Although Lippmann's The Good Society was written to address the crisis in liberal democracies in the 1930s, we argue that it offers a novel and plausible institutionalist account of the productivity slowdown and the increase in the experience of insecurity that has characterised most liberal democracies over the last 20–40 years. Central to Lippmann's account is a Smithian-institutionalist model of growth where property rights have to evolve both to encourage continued levels of risk taking in the face of new uncertainties and also to offset new sources of unequal bargaining power that the very process of growth itself creates. When property rights fossilise and fail to evolve, as in the 1930s and plausibly also now, productivity growth slows down, insecurity rises, and illiberal political creeds prosper. To avoid this, Lippmann's analysis suggests that property rights have to change to re-energise risk taking and to offset the new sources of unequal bargaining power. For example, in current circumstances, new ‘positive’ property rights arising from the development of social insurance might encourage risk taking and new ‘negative’ property rights in personal data might help offset the new sources of unequal bargaining power that have emerged.

The UK government has called for employers to make work adaptations in response to changes in health individuals may experience as they age. However, government assumptions place too much emphasis on the voluntary actions of employers and managers, without placing the management of health in a wider context. Drawing on insights from Thompson’s disconnected capitalism thesis, we explore whether financial/competitive pressures facing many private and public sector organisations today, alongside other factors, contribute to organisations not considering or implementing work adaptations. In this context, it is suggested that older workers may also hide health issues because of anxiety, or ‘ontological precarity’, regarding working longer. Qualitative case studies compare the delivery of work adaptations in three organisations: ‘Local Government’, ‘Hospitality’, and ‘Trains’. Work adaptations were only widely available in Trains; this was for a range of reasons, including the fact that Trains was relatively insulated from financial pressures and able to deliver job and financial security for older workers. As many older workers will continue to be employed by organisations similar to Local Government and Hospitality, we argue that policy makers cannot rely solely on employers to make adaptations.

As against the abiding popular image of the ever-dauntless Spartans, serious commentators have long recognized what a central part fear played in Lacedaemonian life: fear of the helots, fear of the laws, fear of defeat and dishonour and disgrace, without hope of respite this side of the grave. Yet the full implications of such a life, forever suspended most precariously ‘between shame and glory’ as Jean-Pierre Vernant put it, have not been drawn out, especially with respect to its supposed beneficiaries, the Spartiates, who were sacrificed to its merciless logic no less than those they were keeping under such brutal subjugation. This essay proposes to close the gap by fitting together the dispersed pieces and presenting a more comprehensive picture of the silent anxieties and hidden miseries of the vaunted masters of Sparta who purchased their dominion at so frightful a price, not only to others, but also to themselves.

While women's political inclusion is central to international conflict resolution efforts, public attitudes in conflict states towards women's political inclusion remain understudied. We expect insecurity to depress support for female political leadership in conflicts where women's political inclusion is violently contested. Citizens wanting security through force prefer male leaders because of stereotypes privileging men's military prowess. However, citizens wanting security through reconciliation also favour men for fear that female leadership would provoke more violence. We assess these expectations with experimental and observational data from the former Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. In the survey experiment, priming respondents to think about insecurity decreases support for female leadership, but only among women. In observational data, insecurity correlates with more polarized attitudes towards women's political representation in some regions and greater support for female leaders in others. Insecurity's impact on public support for female leadership in conflict states may be highly heterogeneous.

Financialisation is now an emerging field of research. Recently, the field has attracted criticism for its focus on large-scale economic processes, such as profit accumulation based not on production, but on a diversification of financial risk management tools – a focus which ignores the way in which individuals and households experience financialisation in everyday life. In addressing this gap, theorists have sought to understand financialisation as it relates to individuals as consumers and investors, increasing their need to integrate financial calculation into daily life. This article takes the analysis two steps further. First, it argues that precarious work is actually an aspect of financialisation, based on risk-shifting by employing organisations – a process of structural change in the labour market that actually undermines individual workers’ capacity to manage financial risk successfully. Second, it argues that financialisation is an ideology or narrative of individual responsibility, which seeks to legitimate structural change by promising emancipation through individual calculation. It draws on interviews with precarious workers to explore the gap between such norms of financial self-determination and the lived experience of insecure employment. It identifies this paradox of precariousness by focusing on people in professional occupations, who in theory are best placed to successfully negotiate economic change.

The increase in regular wage employment in the Indian economy between 2004–2005 and 2011–2012 was accompanied by a significant deterioration in job security; more workers found themselves on short-term and insecure contracts – a continuing trend. Insecurity of tenure results in a significant wage penalty for short-term workers, compared with those with longer term contracts. This article estimates the negative effect of short-term contracts on the wages of Indian regular wage workers all along the income distribution – unlike earlier studies – using the method of unconditional quantile regressions on data from the 68th round and the 61st round of the National Sample Survey Organisation on Employment covering the period 2004–2005 and 2011–2012. It finds that the wage penalty due to short-term contracts is higher for high-wage workers than for low-wage workers, with the maximum impact felt by median wage workers, and has increased for higher paid workers from 2004–2005 to 2011–2012. The spread of informal employment arrangements within India’s formal labour markets has resulted in an increasingly unequal distribution of workers’ access to the benefits of growth, reflecting a shift in power in favour of capital. These findings, specific to a developing economy like India, stand in contrast with studies in European countries, where high-wage workers do not face as much of a penalty for short-term contract work as low-wage workers.

This article brings together labour relations, sociological and political perspectives on precarious employment in Australia, identifying local contexts of insecurity and setting them within the economics of regional supply chains involving the use of migrant labour. In developing the concept of precarious work-societies, it argues that precarity is a source of individual and social vulnerability and distress, affecting family, housing and communal security. The concept of depoliticisation is used to describe the processes of displacement, whereby the social consequences of precarious work come to be seen as beyond the reach of agency. Using evidence from social attitudes surveys, we explore links between the resulting sense of political marginalisation and hostility to immigrants. Re-politicisation strategies will need to lay bare the common basis of shared experiences of insecurity and explore ways of integrating precarious workers into new community and global alliances.

Northern Nigeria is currently facing a twin crisis of both coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) and insecurity. They have made it difficult for the people to follow government containment efforts to control the pandemic and also have impacted on the socioeconomic and health aspects of the society. We have discussed on the impact of insecurity amid COVID-19 in Northern Nigeria. It is opined that, if the insecurity in Northern Nigeria is not tackled, it will expose the region to more escalation of cases and deaths. Thus, it is recommended that proactive steps should be implemented by all stakeholders concerned to tackle insecurity, particularly the government to revive the security architecture, provide an environment for training and retraining of all security personnel and enhancing intelligence gathering to pave the way for resolving this issue.

Changes in the labour market, high rates of working age poverty, major welfare reforms and more recently the Covid-19 pandemic have drawn renewed attention to income security. Existing research has identified the important role of relational support in helping people cope with low income, but less is known about the role of support for those coping with the potentially destabilising effects of income change which can affect people over relatively short periods of time. This article focuses on how relational coping strategies are utilised by those experiencing such income change. The data are drawn from a qualitative longitudinal study of the experience of income change and insecurity in 15 low-income households in the UK which included repeated in-depth interviews and weekly financial diaries completed in periods of up to five months. The article explores the relational strategies adopted by participants to ‘get by’ as well as examining how strategies are adopted by those on different levels of low income and with differing networks. The article argues that these strategies illuminate the importance of income change in the experience of low-income households, develop the concept of income insecurity, and provide lessons for policy in providing flexible and responsive support when income changes.