Scholarship in World Englishes has been prolific over the past several decades, and today, English is accepted as the world’s ‘hypercentral’ language (de Swann 2002). Despite legitimizing varieties of English used in diverse parts of the world, however, the focus of most World Englishes scholarship has been on educated varieties of English, perpetuating the hegemony of the educated elite. Scholarship on varieties of English used by uneducated/less educated users has been neglected, even in contexts like India, where the number of less educated users of English far exceeds the educated. This paper studies the English used at the grassroots by multilingual Indians in urban India and Oman, a country with a large migrant labor population from India. This qualitative study analyses a small corpus of public and restaurant signs and WhatsApp messages produced by Indians at the grassroots levels in urban India and Oman, and focuses on categorizing the features employed to communicate (successfully). Features are categorized as orthographic, lexical, and grammatical. The study concludes with a discussion on the necessity of including English at the grassroots in World Englishes scholarship to capture the reality of the Englishes used around the world.

Urbanization has become a key pressure on many of the world’s protected areas. This study investigates how local communities perceive landscape values and disvalues in and around Bannerghatta National Park (near Bengaluru, India), which is experiencing high rates of urban development at its peripheries. Using combined free-listing and Public Participation Geographic Information Systems (PPGIS) mapping, we surveyed 489 residents from 12 villages to elicit both landscape values and disvalues. Respondents mapped values such as biodiversity, fertile land and clean air, while disvalues focused on human–wildlife conflicts. Despite persistent conflicts and urbanization pressures, residents valued the National Park for its multiple landscape values. Both values and disvalues were concentrated around village areas. We find that socio-demographic factors – especially caste, land ownership and work in agriculture – significantly influenced perceptions. Specifically, marginalized caste members and landless individuals reported more disvalues, while landowners and farmers noted more values. Our study emphasizes the need to consider both landscape values and disvalues for balanced decision-making in protected areas. It also highlights the potential of free-listing to identify the well-being aspects that matter most for people, which points to the importance of agricultural uses in and around protected areas undergoing urbanization.

Scholarship on cross-border migration and welfare state politics has focused on native-born individuals’ attitudes. How does migration affect the redistribution preferences of migrants—key constituents in host and home countries? We argue that migration causes migrants to adopt more fiscally conservative attitudes, driven not only by economic gains but also by psychological shifts toward self-reliance and beliefs in the prospect of upward mobility. We present results from a randomized controlled trial that facilitated labor migration from India to the Middle East. The intervention prompted high rates of cross-border migration and significantly reduced support for taxation and redistribution among migrants. By contrast, left-behind family members did not become more fiscally conservative despite also experiencing economic gains. While the migrants became economically confident and self-reliant, their family members grew increasingly dependent on remittances. Our results demonstrate that globalization’s impacts on welfare-state preferences depend on the pathways by which it generates economic opportunity.

This article discusses how the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) shaped notions of rural life, rural community, and social reform in the context of South and Southeast Asian decolonisation. Building on scholarship analysing rural development either in term of continuities from the colonial era or as the result of specific circumstances after the Second World War, the argument here is that we can understand approaches to rural welfare after 1945 as the historical intersection of three factors: the rural specificities of decolonisation related to violence and mass displacement; FAO seeking relevance and legitimacy in the post-war order; and urban and rural elites objectifying rural life as a cornerstone of post-imperial nation-building. Empirically, the article analyses two (former) British colonies that experienced two different forms of decolonisation: territorial partition and imperial warfare. It relates these modes of decolonisation to the early formations of FAO’s rural expertise and argues that decolonisation was a structuring event for both local rural policy-making and the evolving international (rural) development agenda.

India, as the world’s most populous country, and with a substantial urban population, requires strategic development to mitigate the risks of urban pluvial flooding in the context of a changing climate. Rapid urbanization increases the presence of impervious surfaces, and climate change effects bring intense, frequent and long-duration rainfall events in India, which magnify urban flooding. Implementing sustainable urban drainage solutions (SUDSs) would mitigate stormwater flood risks, but India has yet to adopt this approach; instead, it relies on traditional drainage infrastructure, despite increasing population indices and an extended yearly rainfall season. Here, we highlight the existing scenario, the challenges and the way forward towards implementing SUDSs in India. To attain SUDSs, city-specific drainage-related challenges need to be identified through problem tree analysis, co-creation with stakeholders of a shared vision for sustainable urban drainage and the design of actionable pathways and experimental approaches for implementing interventions and refining practical indicators. These actions could collectively provide a roadmap for achieving resilient SUDSs.

This article argues that contemporary Indian law is animated by two intertwined imaginings of law: as a rational, rule-bound process and as a power that makes decisions as a normless act of prerogative. Through ethnographic fieldwork in Delhi’s terrorism courts, the paper examines petitions written by individuals accused under anti-terror laws, revealing how these texts invoke the dual legal imaginaries. Petitions—ranging from formal legal documents to handwritten pleas—are analysed through the idea of epistolarity, to pay attention to both the form and content of these petitions. The article argues that these letters are affective and rhetorical performances that simultaneously invoke imaginings of the law as both rule and prerogative. In doing so, the subjectivity of the petitioners oscillates between rights-bearing citizens and humble supplicants praying for the law’s intervention.

It is widely recognized that local management of common pool resources can be more efficient and more effective than private markets or top-down government management, especially in remote rural communities in which the institutions may be weak or prone to elite capture. In this paper, we explore the propensity for cooperation in the management of local common resources by introducing a variant of a public goods game among remote rural communities in the state of Odisha, in eastern India. We explore various patterns of cooperation, including free riding behaviour, unconditional cooperation and conditional cooperation, in which individuals’ propensity toward cooperation is tied to their beliefs about the level of cooperation among their peers. We find that a significant portion of our sample fall into this latter category, but also that their expectations about the level of contributions among their peers are somewhat malleable.

One of the daunting issues in Indian democracy is the complex relationship between the state and tribes. The relationship is known for its integration policy and affirmative action, which is the largest in the world; on the other hand, it is marred by dispossession, contravention of tribal rights, and sometimes state-sponsored violence. Tribes have diverse experiences of the Indian state, which significantly reflect their histories and traditions. To begin with, the founders of the Indian Constitution held backwardness and isolation from mainstream society as characteristics of tribes. However, those communities designated as Scheduled Tribes by the Constitution included communities that once were what anthropologists call a state society. The idea of a tribe in the post-independence period has become more complex as some ethnic communities associated with dynasties and states in the past are demanding tribal status. This development in the present has come at the cost of ethnic conflicts, intractable identity politics, and overstretched affirmative action policies. This article delves into the contestation of tribality in India, examining the relationship between tribe and state.

This article examines the parallel yet divergent histories of Indiaʼs and Chinaʼs Antarctic programmes, exploring their geopolitical, scientific, and cultural dimensions. Both nations, initially excluded from the Western-dominated Antarctic Treaty System (ATS), joined in the 1980s, marking a shift in their approach to the southern polar region. India, driven by post-colonial solidarity and environmental concerns, has focused on scientific research and conservation, while China has expanded its activities to include resource extraction and satellite surveillance, aligning with Russia to influence ATS policies. Both countries have leveraged their Antarctic presence to reinforce civilisational narratives—Indiaʼs Akhand Bharat and Chinaʼs tian xia—extending their cultural and geopolitical spheres. This article highlights their shared ambivalence towards ATS governance, their evolving strategies, and the role of Antarctica in their broader worldmaking projects. It argues that understanding these intertwined histories is crucial for addressing the conceptual clash between Global North-led environmental restrictions and Global South approaches to common resources, with implications for global climate and environmental governance.

Increasing prevalence of diet-related non-communicable diseases in India is attributed to overconsumption of energy-dense, nutrient-poor diets and ultra processed foods (UPF) may potentially contribute to this consumption pattern. Applying standard UPF definition and developing appropriate tools can better capture its consumption among Indians. This cross-sectional study aimed to validate the ‘Nova-UPF Screener (for India)’ and explore its potential to objectively capture UPF consumption among Indian adults. The screener, adapted in prior formative research study from a tool for Brazilian population, was subjected to content, face and concurrent criterion validation. Subject matter experts (n 74) participated in online consultations to determine its content validity. Adults (18–60 years) from different geographical regions of India were included for face (n 70) and concurrent criterion (n 304) validations. The screener comprised twenty-four UPF categories specific to Indian food environment. Critical inputs from experts on screener’s appropriateness were incorporated to enhance its content. For face validation, overall percentage agreement of 99·4 % for all questions indicated a strong agreement for retaining screener attributes in each question. Half the participants (49·4 %) who were administered the finalised screener had Nova-UPF scores between 2 and 4 out of 24. There was almost perfect agreement (Pabak index = 0·85) between distribution of participants based on Nova-UPF scores and fifths of dietary share of UPF (as energy %) assessed by 24-h dietary recall. Nova-UPF Screener (for India) is a valid tool to capture UPF consumption in India that can be used for rapid assessment of UPF consumption and informing policies to improve Indian diets.