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This chapter introduces the central ideas in Darwin’s Expression, poses the main interpretive questions that scholars have raised, and outlines my answers to those questions. Why does Darwin analyze expressions in terms of heritable habits, recalling Lamarck’s debunked theory of evolution, when his own theory of natural selection provides a superior alternative? My answer is that Darwin embraces Hartley’s associationist theory of mind, which posits habit as the basis of thought. I claim that multiple puzzling features of Expression are resolved once we view Darwin as an associationist philosopher.
This chapter examines Darwin’s taxonomy of emotions. I show that nineteenth-century associationists were divided on whether emotion categories exist in nature or are conventional. Herbert Spencer argues that emotion categories exist in nature, anticipating modern basic emotions theory. Thomas Brown argues that emotion categories are conventional, anticipating modern psychological constructionism. I show that Darwin sides with Brown and regards emotion categories as conventional. This finding is surprising, since Darwin is often viewed as a precursor to modern basic emotions theory, which adopts the opposite view.
This chapter argues that Darwin’s philosophical theory of emotion has been forgotten due to paradigm shifts in biology, psychology, and philosophy. These shifts have caused researchers to neglect associationist theories of emotions, including Darwin’s contributions to this school of thought. Having explained why Darwin’s philosophy was forgotten, I conclude by explaining why it should be remembered, given its relevance for contemporary emotions research.
This chapter traces the development of Darwin’s theory of emotion and expression from 1838 to 1872, emphasizing his many engagements with associationist philosophers. I demonstrate that all three of Darwin’s principles of expression are derived from the works of associationist philosophers, especially David Hartley, Erasmus Darwin, Herbert Spencer, and Alexander Bain.
The Introduction presents the main theses of this book: that Charles Darwin developed a philosophical theory of emotion, inspired by his reading of several associationist philosophers; that Darwin denied that emotional expressions evolved as social signals, designed to reveal emotions to others; and that Darwin’s theory of emotion has more in common with modern constructionist theories than with modern basic emotions theories, which often claim Darwin as their inspiration.
This chapter surveys associationist theories of emotion leading up to Darwin’s Expression. These theories analyze emotions as sequences of thoughts, feelings, and actions, linked together by principles of association. Thomas Hobbes contributes to this tradition the idea that emotions can be analyzed as “trains of thoughts.” John Locke contributes the idea that these trains are connected by the “association of ideas.” David Hume contributes the idea that association can occur via contiguity, resemblance, or cause and effect. David Hartley puts these ideas together to present the first full-fledged associationist theory of mind and emotion. Harley’s ideas are developed further by Joseph Priestley, Erasmus Darwin (Charles’s grandfather), Thomas Brown, James Mill, Alexander Bain, and Herbert Spencer, among others. This tradition in the philosophy of emotion has never before been described or analyzed.
This chapter examines Darwin’s analysis of emotional expression. It is widely accepted that Darwin wrote Expression to refute Sir Charles Bell’s theory that God created humans with special muscles to express their emotions. However, scholars have overlooked the fact that Bell developed his theory to refute Erasmus Darwin’s associationist analysis of emotional expression, inspired by David Hartley, and that Charles Darwin defends his grandfather’s analysis against Bell’s objections. I demonstrate that Charles’s defense of Erasmus’s associationist theory, which denies that expressions occur for the sake of communicating emotions, explains Charles’s puzzling reluctance to claim that expressions evolved to serve as signals in communication.
Chapter 3 explores the role of small group dynamics and collective emotions in facilitating group theorizing, provoking unconventional scientific thought, and facilitating the rise of new scientific movements. It describes RA’s idioculture, their context of theoretical discovery, and the socio-emotional practices Holling used to spark transformative scientific creativity – a process that he called “island time.” I show how holding short, energetic meetings on remote islands with group rituals, personality selectivity, social bonding, charismatic leadership, and inductions to a secret scientific society created what I call “hot spots and hot moments.” These are brief but intense bursts of collective emotion, intersubjectivity, group creativity, and exceptional scientific performance where transformative science is conducted and faith in the group and its ideas were generated. This highlights new aspects of theory group dynamics, including the bursty nature of creative production within them, and the role of collective emotional states, relationships, and evocative locations for producing innovative scientific knowledge that can support new scientific movements.
Charles Darwin is known as a biologist, geologist, and naturalist, but he was also a philosopher. This book uncovers Darwin's forgotten philosophical theory of emotion, which combines earlier associationist theories with his theory of evolution. The British associationists of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries argued that the mind operates primarily through the association of ideas, and that emotions are strings of thoughts, feelings, and outward expressions, connected by habit and association. Charles Darwin's early notebooks on emotion reveal a keen interest in associationist philosophy. This book shows that one of his final works, The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals (1872), is a work of associationist philosophy, and analyzes Darwin's revolutionary idea: that if the associations that produce emotions can be inherited, then the theory of evolution can explain how emotions first occurred in simpler organisms and then developed and were compounded into the complex experiences humans have today.
The 2016 election serves as an important case study in understanding how gendered political contexts can shape emotional reactions and engagement, particularly among women. Two important features of that election, Trump’s treatment of women and Clinton’s historic run for office, influenced emotional reactions to politics in distinct ways. We used two experimental designs in which participants were randomly assigned to read vignettes about Trump’s treatment of women or Clinton’s historic run for office. Reading about the former led to higher anger, especially among Democratic women and men, while reading about the latter increased enthusiasm among highly educated women. These elevated emotions increased intended future engagement. We conducted a third study in which we induced anger about Trump’s treatment of women and found that it led to greater intended engagement.
Research has demonstrated that emotion modulates specificity in recollection of personally experienced events and the words individuals use during recollection reflect their psychological states. Here, we investigated the linguistic features of autobiographical memory (AM) of different specificity for different emotional events to address how emotion would modulate the psychological mechanisms underlying AM of different specificity. We analyzed 122 participants’ narratives of AM categorized as specific and general under happy, sad, angry, fearful and neutral cues. The use of three groups (emotional process, cognitive process and thinking style) of words was, respectively, compared between specific and general AM in each emotion condition. In retrieval of sad, angry and fearful events, general relative to specific AM contained more affective process words, notably negative words. General AM featured more cognitive process words than specific AM, regardless of emotion type (except neutral). When recalling happy events, general AM featured more analytic thinking words than specific AM, while in recollection of fearful events, general AM featured fewer such words than specific AM. General relative to specific AM about happy experiences contained more narrative thinking words. These findings suggest that the psychological mechanisms underlying top-down and bottom-up retrieval differ between particular types of emotion engaged in AM.
Digital technologies have transformed the way governments around the world maintain social and political order. However, the intrusive and often repressive nature of modern political control mechanisms, such as digital surveillance and digital censorship, is largely concealed from the public and becomes “normalized” by state propaganda, particularly in authoritarian regimes. Engaging with the political psychology literature on emotion, we examine how citizens respond emotionally to such control when exposed to relevant revealing information and how these emotions relate to shifts in attitudes toward authoritarian governments. Using a survey experiment and 50 in-depth interviews conducted in China, we find that exposure to revealing information about digital control slightly amplifies negative emotions but profoundly reduces positive emotions and significantly undermines public support for authoritarian digital governance. These effects are more pronounced in the context of digital surveillance than censorship and are most severe when individuals perceive control measures as personally targeted. Our findings underscore the political-psychological consequences of digital control, emphasizing the role of emotions in shaping public responses to digital authoritarianism based on new insights into the affective dimensions of digital repression.
The Franco-Prussian War was both unnecessary and imprudent. France initially received all that it demanded from King William of Prussia. Pressure from the legislature and the people of the boulevard, however, then caused French leaders – including Napoleon III – to expand French demands. This allowed Bismarck, the chancellor of Prussia, to manipulate France into declaring a war that he knew Prussia could win. Two characteristics proved fatal for France. First, the French polity and key French leaders succumbed to war hysteria. This allowed emotions to guide their decision-making, rather than rational calculations. Second, an arrogance among French leaders led to military overconfidence and an element of wishful thinking (e.g., about prospective allies). France was, in other words, less powerful than its leaders thought it would be. Finally, the war was imprudent from the French perspective as well. Within two weeks, as a result of French decisions, Napoleon III went into exile, France lost Alsace-Lorraine, a revolt occurred in Paris, and the German states unified.
Although people have been making decisions for many thousands of years, it was only since John von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern wrote Theory of Games and Economic Behavior and Herb Simon wrote of satisficing and bounded rationality, that researchers started to analyze and understand how people make decisions. The mid- and late twentieth century saw an expansion in what is known about the making of decisions, but more recently new areas within decision theory have come under scientific study. This final chapter is forward-looking and considers possible future directions for understanding human decision making and also for the development of decision theory. Among these future directions are emotion, culture, artificial intelligence, and intuition itself.
This Element explores why historic urban places matter emotionally. To achieve this the Element develops a conceptual framework which breaks down the broad category of 'emotion' into three interrelated parts: 1. Emotional responses, 2. Emotional attachments, and 3. Emotional communities. In so doing new lines of enquiry are opened up including the reasons why certain emotional responses such as pride and fear are provoked by historic urban places; the complex interplay of the physical environment and everyday experiences in informing emotional attachments, as well as the reasons why emotional communities coalesce in particular historic urban places. In addition, the Element explores the ways in which emotion, in the form of responses, attachments, and communities, can be considered within heritage management and concludes with a discussion of where next for heritage theories and practices. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Widowers make occasional appearances in Icelandic sagas of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and—even though Old Norse did not even have a word for them—they exhibit some distinctive behavioral patterns. This article uses the framework of bereavement studies to examine the interplay of gender, affect, and small-scale politics in the wake of the loss of a wife. It proposes two archetypes of dysfunctional bereaved husband, observable in the medieval Norse world which the sagas describe (ca. 800–1300): the widower on the warpath and the widower on the bridal path. Both followed cultural scripts for widowers’ conduct, but did so imperfectly, in a manner that exposes their society’s constructions of masculinity, its prescriptive family codes, and the clandestine channels linking private emotional turmoil with public socio-political disruption. My typology of maladjusted Norse widowers offers heuristic tools for further study of bereaved husbands in other periods and places, as well as for comparison with bereaved wives and with men in other life-stages.
There is growing evidence that language plays an important role in emotion because it helps people acquire emotion concept knowledge. In this chapter, we argue that language plays a mechanistic role in emotion because emotion concept knowledge, once acquired, is used by the brain to predictively and adaptively regulate a person’s subjective emotional experiences and behaviors. Building on predictive processing models of brain function, we argue that the emotion concepts learned via language during early development “seed” the brain’s emotional predictions throughout the lifespan. We review constructionist theories of emotion and their support in behavioral, physiological, neuroimaging, and lesion data. We then situate these constructionist predictions within recent neuroscience research to speculate on the neural mechanisms by which emotion concepts “seed” emotional experiences.
Psychiatric disorders are highly comorbid and are not separated by sharp biological boundaries. Understanding the common mechanisms that explain symptom overlap in mental disorders is therefore clearly needed. Here, we briefly review impaired emotional processing and emotional dysregulation in affective disorders, with a special focus on unipolar depression. Affective disorders are characterized by abnormal emotion intensity, changes in the temporal dynamics of emotion and difficulties to influence the trajectory of emotions. Disruptions in emotion processing and emotional regulation are underlined at the neural level by abnormal interactions between cortical and limbic structures in terms of increased variance in functional connectivity. Emotional processes are also tightly linked to cognitive processes, which constitute main targets for therapeutic interventions in affective disorders.
Decades of research demonstrate cultural variation in different aspects of emotion, including the focus of emotion, expressive values and norms, and experiential ideals and values. These studies have focused primarily on Western and East Asian cultural comparisons, although recent work has included Latinx samples. In this chapter, we discuss why studying culture is important for studies of emotion and what neuroscientific methods can contribute to our understanding of culture and emotion. We then describe research that uses neuroscientific methods to explore both cultural differences and similarities in emotion. Finally, we discuss current challenges and outstanding questions for future research.
This chapter introduces peripheral physiological measures of emotion as important tools for studying emotion in affective neuroscience. It examines responses across three systems: skeletal muscle activity, autonomic nervous system (cardiovascular and electrodermal), and respiration. It surveys measurement modalities, derived metrics, their neural control, timescales of expected response, and prominent findings in recent literature, linking them to central nervous system activity throughout. The chapter concludes by highlighting outstanding questions and future challenges in the field of peripheral physiological measures of emotion.