The case study discusses how the endemic nature of race and racism affects Black individuals’ level of trust in the medical system. The case begins with highlighting several past legacies of exploitation as well as contemporary experiences of discrimination in health care, which set the stage for medical distrust. It also presents disparities in several health outcomes. The case study then presents the experience of a Black family, who because of their lack of trust in the medical system was accused of, and reported to Child Welfare for medically neglecting their daughter. Inspired by CRT, the social worker in the case understood that Black and other marginalized families are often disproportionately targeted and face harsher judgments in child welfare cases. This informed her engagement with the family. Through this case, the author made the argument that without acknowledging systemic racism, biases are more likely to influence the classification of neglect, leading to interventions that do not address a family’s needs or mistakenly involves them with the child welfare system.

This conclusion reflects on the legacy of the Democrat Party in the aftermath of the 1960 coup. I argue that the removal of Turkey’s elected government by military officers did not mark the end of democratic politics in Turkey. Rather, it was part of a larger process of de-democratization in which Turkish leaders (first the Democrats, then the military and its allies) restricted the various institutions that enabled meaningful political contestation. Democracy was effectively rolled back during the 1950s because the achievements of Turkey’s “transition to democracy” were of a limited sort; they included independently verified elections, a narrow range of permitted political parties, and a relatively circumscribed press. If the DP failed to consistently defend and expand the institutions that bolster democracy, then perhaps its greatest legacy is the way in which it positioned Turkey in relation to other states. The DP presented the country as an essential part of the American order, willing to fight and, thus, deserving of significant financial support.

Self-harm and suicidal behaviours in children and young people are increasingly common. These behaviours sit on a broad continuum from relatively risk-free behaviours that may be used as coping mechanisms to life-threatening acts with suicidal intent. Self-harm is more likely in patients with co-morbid mental health conditions, but most young people who self-harm do not have a mental health diagnosis. Family adversity, educational stressors, physical health illnesses, bullying, and substance misuse may all increase the risk of self-harm. Young people may find internet support groups helpful as they may value the discretion of online support for a behaviour about which they may be embarrassed. However some internet sites teach young people more dangerous self-harming strategies and young people may be bullied or encouraged to complete suicide. Historical methods of risk stratification have poor predictive validity and it is instead recommended that clinicians engage collaboratively with young people in an individualised approach to risk assessment, developing a detailed risk formulation and safety plan. Young people who self-harm are 30 times more likely to die by suicide, and it appears that those from minority groups are at greater risk. Mild self-harm may only require a ‘listening ear’ from a trusted friend or adult, but more severe difficulties may need professional assistance from mental health services that should be trauma-informed and relational in approach, offering evidence-based interventions such as DBT-A or MBT-A. Crisis services should be responsive and flexible to young people’s needs so as to be able to engage them and de-escalate risks effectively.

Chapter 7 involves an analysis of the 2019 case brought to the UN committee on the rights of the child by 16 young people (Saachi et al. 2019). The case is assessed in terms of its legitimacy and effectiveness in promoting intergenerational justice discourses and its capacity to act as an indirect proxy representative for future generations. The chapter argues that while there are distinct limitations in the rights of the child complaints system (with an asymmetry in power between children and the states involved, with decisions being non-binding), the Saachi case, nevertheless, has the potential to have both a political and legal impact. It is one of the few avenues at the international level which allows young people increasingly impacted by climate change to have a voice. It can also allow young people to act as proxy representatives for future generations, while the Committee to date has been reticent to move in this direction. Finally, some elements of the decision are likely to be taken up in future climate litigation at the international and national levels.

This chapter reviews recent anthropological studies of adolescence and youth. Some of the earliest research in psychological anthropology focused on this lifespan period. This early work insisted that social and cultural factors shaped the varieties of adolescent experiences both within and across societies, and that the social problems of youth were a political problem rather than an inevitable outcome of a universal life stage. Systematic research on adolescence and youth did not emerge until the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. These studies are organized into four themes: (1) adolescence as a liminal period; (2) adolescent vulnerabilities that result from social, political, and economic disruptions; (3) young people as instigators and innovators of social change; and (4) young people's social worlds as worthy research topics in themselves. The chapter calls for future research on young people that focuses on individual experiences within larger systems of power, such as the historical legacies of Western imperialism. Attending to these larger systems of power will provide greater awareness of how these systems shaped past research.

‘The Personified Will’ examines how the faculty of the will was depicted as a personified character in English Renaissance plays. The will was portrayed in a variety of benevolent and malevolent guises, yet the function of these characters has not yet been integrated into our appreciation of the era’s dramatic conventions. I argue that we may more fully appreciate the ways that dramatists queried the practical expression of individual liberty, identity, and civil harmony by attending to a historically disregarded set of Will characters (from Sebastian Westcott’s The Marriage of Wit and Science to William Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night). The performance of the personified will offers important, but hitherto overlooked, evidence of how playwrights attempted to scrutinize the nature of human freedom and social concord, and the extent to which personifications of the will were used to legitimize contemporary systems of status and authority. Exploring the actions of honourable and corrupt personifications of the will provides a way to elucidate the ethical predicaments associated with will’s performance, which the second chapter of this book examines in more detail.

Chapter 5 continues to explore the connections and disconnections between the transitional justice project and non-recurrence of conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). It proposes that education can make or break meaningful assurances of conflict non-recurrence. The chapter demonstrates how ethnically segregated history teaching in BiH plays a key role in the maintenance of a post-conflict status quo which has frozen certain anxieties around the uncertain future of peace in the country. Further, the chapter posits that the global project of transitional justice, while not responsible for the burgeoning ethnonationalism, has actively made bad situations worse with its short-sighted security priorities and general misunderstanding of security as lived experience. In particular, the chapter focuses on how and why the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia undertook a role of an educator of the BiH youth and public and how the advocates of the transitional justice project have ignored the complexity of the prevention needs of the BiH society.

Besides his teachers and mentors, Pierre Boulez was surrounded by a circle of friends at the turn of the 1950s with whom he shared artistic and political interests and whom he often met in the more personal context of his social life. His interest in contemporary painting and interdisciplinary relations connected him with the painter Bernard Saby who, like Boulez, had pursued mathematical studies. Armand Gatti and Pierre Joffroy (pseudonym of Maurice Weil) were engaged journalists and writers, marked by the terror of the German occupation and the political turmoil of the post-war period. From this circle of friends emerged significant stimulations and influences in the transition from the composerʼs youthful works to the first phase of maturity