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This chapter explores how judicial mechanisms employed by apex courts have migrated across South Asia and Southeast Asia, using India, Pakistan, and Malaysia as examples. The chapter focuses on two case studies – Pakistan and Malaysia – to examine how judicial mechanisms, like the basic structure doctrine articulated by the Indian Supreme Court, have been strategically adapted by courts in Pakistan and Malaysia to strengthen their institutional power. This chapter considers the use of judicial rhetoric and constitutional comparativism in crafting opinions of popular salience by examining the distinct ways in which these Asian courts have engaged with foreign and comparative case law.
Inter-Asian Law is starkly absent from constitutional accounts of reproductive rights in Asia. Instead, Asian jurisdictions tend to draw from the Global North, with the United States Supreme Court decision in Roe v Wade occupying norm status. To explicate the potential of Inter-Asian Law in transforming reproductive rights, an act of imagination is required, suspending Roe as the central comparative frame and introducing alternate, hypothetical referents from Asia. This chapter conducts this task at two stages. First, it develops imagination as a method of comparative constitutional law. Second, applying the imaginative method, it hypothesizes what reproductive rights might look like if Nepal served as a referent for India and India as a referent for Bangladesh. In documenting explicit shifts in the constitutional construction of these rights, the chapter cements the place of Inter-Asian Law.
This chapter asks whether there is anything we might productively characterize as an Inter-Asian approach to religion–state relations. I use the example of the Essential Religious Practices (ERP) Doctrine as a window into this analysis. The ERP Doctrine offers the best-case argument for the existence of an Inter-Asian approach to religion–state relations because, after its initial articulation by the Indian Supreme Court, it has been widely influential within South and Southeast Asia. I use two of the contexts where ERP analysis has been influential – Malaysia and Sri Lanka – to show how there has indeed been significant conceptual migration within Asia with regard to religious freedom jurisprudence. The ERP Doctrine’s travels are clearly reflected in the flow of jurisprudential ideas and via robust campus-court exchanges. At the same time, differences in the theoretical networks and sociopolitical contexts within which the ERP Doctrine has traveled prevent it from constituting a homogenous and hermetically sealed Inter-Asian approach.
Despite its status as a low-income country, India has produced the third highest number of unicorns in the 2010s. We offer a supply–demand model of start-ups to explain this surprising outcome. On the demand side, India’s large and fast-growing market, coupled with ‘leapfrogging advantages’, have encouraged start-ups in many digital businesses. On the supply side, India’s abundant and affordable technical talent, nurtured by the country’s IT/software companies and the R&D centres of foreign multinationals, have combined with a surge in angel investors, incubators, accelerators and local and foreign venture capitalists. Government policies have reinforced both demand-side and supply-side factors, as have global developments such as the COVID-19 pandemic and geopolitical tensions involving China. Although the climate for start-ups deteriorated in 2022–2024 in India (as it did worldwide), the fundamentals are strong for India to continue to be an important source of digital start-ups and unicorns.
Rapid population declines of three species of Gyps vultures endemic to Asia were caused by unintentional poisoning by the non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drug (NSAID) diclofenac. Despite a ban on its veterinary use across South Asia, diclofenac has continued to be supplied for this purpose. Here, we report updated results from undercover pharmacy surveys, conducted between 2012 and 2024, in India, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Pakistan to investigate the availability and prevalence of veterinary NSAIDs. The purpose was to establish whether sales of diclofenac had continued and to determine which other veterinary NSAIDs were available. In India, the availability of diclofenac had declined in all Vulture Safe Zones (VSZs), but it was still readily available (up to 25% of sales) in Rajasthan where intensive conservation advocacy had not occurred. Elsewhere in the region, prevalence of diclofenac was low. The vulture-safe meloxicam continued to be the most commonly available veterinary NSAID throughout most of the region, especially in Nepal (85–100%), but still accounted for only 25–45% of products offered in other countries. In Bangladesh, the vulture-toxic ketoprofen was the most prevalent drug overall, but levels declined to a low level (<1% in 2024), following the nationwide ban on veterinary use of the drug in 2023. Fourteen different NSAIDs were recorded in our surveys, several of which are known or suspected to be toxic to vultures. Of special concern is a rapid increase in the prevalence of flunixin in Bangladesh. Flunixin has not been banned in any of the South Asian vulture range states. Conservation priorities should include awareness campaigns, stronger measures to implement current bans, safety-testing of other NSAIDs, especially flunixin, followed by bans on veterinary use of all NSAIDs found to be toxic to vultures. Prior evidence of safety to vultures should be a requirement for the licensing of all new veterinary NSAIDs.
This article explores the institutional conditions behind the electoral rise of regional parties in Indian states. I argue that in regions where national parties are less organized, voters are more likely to support regional parties. This organizational weakness is initially affected by regionally based social cleavages, which undermine the internal cohesion of national parties. A nationalized party platform requiring all regional branches to coordinate under a shared agenda struggles to address these cleavages. Finally, regional-level politicians may defect from national parties and align with regional parties that better represent their constituents. Using path analysis, I test these claims, and the results support my hypotheses.
As climate disasters escalate, the Global South faces a staggering $387 billion annual shortfall in adaptation finance. Despite urgent needs, adaptation remains severely underfunded, sidelined by investors who favour mitigation projects with clearer returns. This chapter explores how philanthropic capital can be the missing piece, unlocking adaptation finance through risk-tolerant investments, blended finance, and ecosystem-wide collaboration.
It examines India as a case study, showcasing how philanthropic organizations can de-risk adaptation projects, support climate resilience, and influence policy reforms. Drawing on global data and case studies, the chapter argues that philanthropy can catalyse systemic change by bridging financing gaps, scaling high-impact solutions, and fostering collaboration between governments, businesses, and civil society, ultimately driving an adaptation revolution.
This chapter draws on conceptualizations of the romance form by Northrop Frye and Fredric Jameson to provincialize them and delineate the imperial romance and its formal and functional specificities. It argues that the imperial romance is a colonial scripture, that is, a ritualized site for the articulation and performance of colonial ideology. It reads Philip Meadows Taylor’s “mutiny novel” Seeta (1872), set in India, and Henry Rider Haggard’s King Solomon’s Mines (1885), set in Africa, to illustrate how these texts rearticulate categories of “good” and “evil.” It also underlines how these texts articulate and resolve colonial anxieties, especially around racial miscegenation. In underlining the imperial romance as a key site for the symbolic resolution of real contradictions of colonial life, the essay illuminates its ritual (and utopian) function that reaffirms and perpetuates colonial ideology.
This chapter examines the “verse politics” of eighteenth-century Asia. It explores how Anglophone authors used epics and ruin poetry to advance imperialism, assess governmental policy, and reimagine the role of India in the British Empire. To demonstrate poetry’s role in politics and imperial policymaking, this chapter focuses on the career of Eyles Irwin, a colonial administrator stationed in Madras during the 1770s and 1780s and one of the earliest authors to publish English poetry while in India. The chapter analyzes his collection of travel poems, the Occasional Epistles (1783), and his lengthy poetic epistle, “The Ruins of Madura, or, the Hindoo Garden” (c. 1785–92), which versifies the holy sites and gardens of an ancient southern Indian city, Madura (Madurai), and the decayed palace of one of its Hindu rulers, Tirumala Nayaka. From these details, and Madura’s ruins, Irwin reanimates a South Indian culture and polity. Epics and ruin poetry reimagined writing about empire not as an attempt at personal fame but as an extension of imperial policy, and in ruin poetry Anglophone authors sought to reconcile the obvious oppression of India with the supposed liberty of Britain’s empire.
This chapter explores employment testing bias and fairness in India. The developments that have led to fair employment practices in India with special reference to affirmative action policies, the reservation system, and the regulatory authorities that oversee hiring processes are reviewed. Measures aimed at the prevention of biases, including structured interviews, blind hiring, and training about unconscious bias are discussed. The chapter also reviews the legal framework for employment fairness, the role of public and private sector organizations, and issues such as the impact of artificial intelligence on selection procedures. Results from a survey of Indian organizations are used to provide empirical insights into the existence, as well as effectiveness, of fairness policies in curbing hiring biases. Further, the chapter compares the situation in India to global perspectives on employment testing bias and fairness and highlights the need to further refine regulatory mechanisms and organizational policies in hiring. Finally, this work indicates significant gaps across various aspects of fair hiring practices in India and identifies areas that require focus and research.
Scholarship in World Englishes has been prolific over the past several decades, and today, English is accepted as the world’s ‘hypercentral’ language (de Swann 2002). Despite legitimizing varieties of English used in diverse parts of the world, however, the focus of most World Englishes scholarship has been on educated varieties of English, perpetuating the hegemony of the educated elite. Scholarship on varieties of English used by uneducated/less educated users has been neglected, even in contexts like India, where the number of less educated users of English far exceeds the educated. This paper studies the English used at the grassroots by multilingual Indians in urban India and Oman, a country with a large migrant labor population from India. This qualitative study analyses a small corpus of public and restaurant signs and WhatsApp messages produced by Indians at the grassroots levels in urban India and Oman, and focuses on categorizing the features employed to communicate (successfully). Features are categorized as orthographic, lexical, and grammatical. The study concludes with a discussion on the necessity of including English at the grassroots in World Englishes scholarship to capture the reality of the Englishes used around the world.
Urbanization has become a key pressure on many of the world’s protected areas. This study investigates how local communities perceive landscape values and disvalues in and around Bannerghatta National Park (near Bengaluru, India), which is experiencing high rates of urban development at its peripheries. Using combined free-listing and Public Participation Geographic Information Systems (PPGIS) mapping, we surveyed 489 residents from 12 villages to elicit both landscape values and disvalues. Respondents mapped values such as biodiversity, fertile land and clean air, while disvalues focused on human–wildlife conflicts. Despite persistent conflicts and urbanization pressures, residents valued the National Park for its multiple landscape values. Both values and disvalues were concentrated around village areas. We find that socio-demographic factors – especially caste, land ownership and work in agriculture – significantly influenced perceptions. Specifically, marginalized caste members and landless individuals reported more disvalues, while landowners and farmers noted more values. Our study emphasizes the need to consider both landscape values and disvalues for balanced decision-making in protected areas. It also highlights the potential of free-listing to identify the well-being aspects that matter most for people, which points to the importance of agricultural uses in and around protected areas undergoing urbanization.
Chapter 7 analyzes changes in India’s important foreign relations, focusing on the post-Cold War period. The chapter argues that India’s approach to the world changed significantly in the post-1990 period, but has since then been marked mainly by incremental changes.
This chapter provides an introduction to the book. It sets the stage by highlighting contrasts in India’s economy, democracy, and society. It then discusses the main topics covered in the book – democracy and governance, growth and distribution, caste, labor, gender, civil society, regional diversity, and foreign policy. The chapter also outlines the three themes that comprise the main arguments of the book. First, India’s democracy has been under considerable strain over the last decade. Second, growing economic inequalities that accompanied India’s high-growth phase over the last three and a half decades are associated with the country’s democratic decline. Third, society has reacted to changes from below but there are limits to societal activism in contemporary India.
Anglican missionaries took advantage of the spread of the empire to prosleytise to Native Americans and African Americans. Motivated by a desire to bring the gospel to so-called heathens and halt the spread of Catholicism, Cambridge men travelled to North America, the Caribbean, West Africa, and India to spread Protestantism. If they chose not to head abroad, they instead provided donations to missionary organisations, such as the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, or assisted in the administration of plantations owned by these organisations. As Cambridge missionaries and dergymen encountered enslavement, prominent University figures became increasingly interested in debates concerning and morality the efficacy of Indigenous and African slavery. Some fellows were actively sceptical of the moral grounds for slavery, whilst others believed that enslavement was grounded in Christian belief. Rather than emerging in the era of abolition, scepticism and debate about the moral foundations of enslavement were consistent features of British intellectual life for over a century.
The chapter explores contrasting approaches to population policy and family planning in Yugoslavia, the Republic of Ireland, the United States, and India, focusing on the period from the 1950s to the 1980s. It discusses how Yugoslavia shifted toward supporting global population control policies in stark contrast to other Communist countries, while Ireland, a predominantly Catholic country, maintained strict anti-contraception laws. The United States evolved from reluctance to active involvement in global birth control programs to widespread financial support, and India transitioned to coercive sterilization policies during the state of emergency that was declared by Indira Gandhi in the mid-1970s. The chapter argues that UN resolutions around family planning and human rights played a key role for these policies despite the fact that these resolutions were not binding. How the resolutions were interpreted depended strongly on regional and local power configurations. The relationship among human rights frameworks, political decisions, and societal attitudes shaped the divergent paths taken by these countries in addressing demographic and family planning issues.
Scholarship on cross-border migration and welfare state politics has focused on native-born individuals’ attitudes. How does migration affect the redistribution preferences of migrants—key constituents in host and home countries? We argue that migration causes migrants to adopt more fiscally conservative attitudes, driven not only by economic gains but also by psychological shifts toward self-reliance and beliefs in the prospect of upward mobility. We present results from a randomized controlled trial that facilitated labor migration from India to the Middle East. The intervention prompted high rates of cross-border migration and significantly reduced support for taxation and redistribution among migrants. By contrast, left-behind family members did not become more fiscally conservative despite also experiencing economic gains. While the migrants became economically confident and self-reliant, their family members grew increasingly dependent on remittances. Our results demonstrate that globalization’s impacts on welfare-state preferences depend on the pathways by which it generates economic opportunity.
This article discusses how the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) shaped notions of rural life, rural community, and social reform in the context of South and Southeast Asian decolonisation. Building on scholarship analysing rural development either in term of continuities from the colonial era or as the result of specific circumstances after the Second World War, the argument here is that we can understand approaches to rural welfare after 1945 as the historical intersection of three factors: the rural specificities of decolonisation related to violence and mass displacement; FAO seeking relevance and legitimacy in the post-war order; and urban and rural elites objectifying rural life as a cornerstone of post-imperial nation-building. Empirically, the article analyses two (former) British colonies that experienced two different forms of decolonisation: territorial partition and imperial warfare. It relates these modes of decolonisation to the early formations of FAO’s rural expertise and argues that decolonisation was a structuring event for both local rural policy-making and the evolving international (rural) development agenda.
India, as the world’s most populous country, and with a substantial urban population, requires strategic development to mitigate the risks of urban pluvial flooding in the context of a changing climate. Rapid urbanization increases the presence of impervious surfaces, and climate change effects bring intense, frequent and long-duration rainfall events in India, which magnify urban flooding. Implementing sustainable urban drainage solutions (SUDSs) would mitigate stormwater flood risks, but India has yet to adopt this approach; instead, it relies on traditional drainage infrastructure, despite increasing population indices and an extended yearly rainfall season. Here, we highlight the existing scenario, the challenges and the way forward towards implementing SUDSs in India. To attain SUDSs, city-specific drainage-related challenges need to be identified through problem tree analysis, co-creation with stakeholders of a shared vision for sustainable urban drainage and the design of actionable pathways and experimental approaches for implementing interventions and refining practical indicators. These actions could collectively provide a roadmap for achieving resilient SUDSs.
This article argues that contemporary Indian law is animated by two intertwined imaginings of law: as a rational, rule-bound process and as a power that makes decisions as a normless act of prerogative. Through ethnographic fieldwork in Delhi’s terrorism courts, the paper examines petitions written by individuals accused under anti-terror laws, revealing how these texts invoke the dual legal imaginaries. Petitions—ranging from formal legal documents to handwritten pleas—are analysed through the idea of epistolarity, to pay attention to both the form and content of these petitions. The article argues that these letters are affective and rhetorical performances that simultaneously invoke imaginings of the law as both rule and prerogative. In doing so, the subjectivity of the petitioners oscillates between rights-bearing citizens and humble supplicants praying for the law’s intervention.