Water is the lifeline of our planet. Across various cultures, we share a common perspective with regard to water as a symbol of reconciliation, healing and regeneration. Water is not only essential for sustaining human life, but also important for public health, food and energy production, and hence the prosperity of our society. Despite this common perspective, however, there is no global consensus on standards for important indicators such as the minimum per capita requirement for water. Various organizations and researchers have advocated different standards, ranging from 20 liters per capita per day (lpcd) for basic domestic health and hygiene needs (according to the United Nations Children's Fund [UNICEF] and the World Health Organization [WHO]), to 4,651 lpcd of drinking water for active and healthy human life by the Water Assessment Program. As Chenoweth1 rightly points out, existing estimates of human water requirements based on specific quantities of water for basic domestic functions are much lower than those based upon water quantities actually used by a modern society which utilizes its water resources relatively prudently, and are at least an order of magnitude lower than actual water requirements for satisfying domestic, industrial and agricultural needs.

Chenoweth also estimated, using a self-proclaimed, more theoretical approach, that 135 lpcd is required for achieving high human development. This estimate has become more relevant in the context of the recent announcement that the Millennium Development Goals' (MDG) target on water, “to halve, by 2015, the proportion of the population without sustainable access to safe drinking water,” has been achieved three years ahead of the timeline.

The key goal of British policy in the emirates from 1820 up to the independence of India in 1947 was to maintain maritime peace and security in the waters of the Gulf, it being one of the most important transit routes to India. Hence, the British were keen to avoid involvement in any domestic unrest, such as the wars that periodically broke out between tribes, provided they did not threaten the safety of maritime navigation.

However, the post-war period witnessed a radical transformation in this strategy, as British interests gradually grew to encompass the hinterland. This was a result both of the rising likelihood of major oil discoveries, and the new independence of India. The uncertain conditions in the emirates worried Britain, particularly at a time when diplomatic representation was only just developing, and oil companies were undertaking geological survey operations.

This state of instability owed much to the deteriorating economic conditions in the region. Rising unemployment resulted in various forms of disorder, including raids on farms, robberies of caravans and cars, and the growing popularity of arms smuggling operations that channeled weapons to Oman and Baluchistan. Britain was also concerned about the thriving trade in slaves in the region, including the abduction of women and children to be sold into slavery, particularly from Buraimi. This was a source of considerable embarrassment for Britain in international terms in light of its pioneering stance against slavery worldwide.

The most pressing security issue, however, was the recurring internal unrest caused by border disputes in the region, which occurred after oil exploration companies resumed their activities following the end of the war. These companies sought to determine the exact geographical range of the influence of each ruler in order to accurately determine the area covered by a concession.

The focus here is to monitor the effects of social networks on various aspects of life, with a view to assessing their importance and limits of influence in directing public and user opinion among different age groups.

Political Effects of Social Networks

The Internet could prove to be a force of change more effective than all other media forms, although this is some way in the future considering the relatively limited access to the Internet found in most Middle East countries in particular. Such an interactive network would create an intellectual environment that could open the way to political change due to the capability of the Internet to generate political pressure through its democratic nature and ability to attract popular participation. There are no constraints or limits on freedom of expression on the Internet and putting forward political views via social networks can encourage an enormous number of followers to adopt them. This could drive governments to change their policies in response to the demands of public opinion. Therefore, advocates of political change need not take the risk of actually taking part in protests, instead they can create significant ‘virtual’ political pressure through social networks where obtaining information and disseminating it without censorship represents an ‘information democracy.’

Since freedom is available to all regardless of their intent, violation of this freedom by any party remains a possibility. If online social networks played a major role in igniting the angry protests that eventually led to political change in countries like Egypt and Tunisia, then those that are accessible through communication devices such as smartphones have proven exceptionally effective in mobilizing activists via online social networks – especially Twitter and Facebook – to organize protests, both virtual and physical.

Despite the debate raised by researchers over whether traditional media will end in light of the growing role of social networks and the evolution of media from ‘institutional media’ to ‘individual media,’ we are for the moment witnessing cooperation, interconnectedness and support between traditional media and social networks. Users of sites such as YouTube heavily use video clips from talk shows, and sometimes edit them to lend irony, humor or criticism to certain political figures. Meanwhile, many satellite channels are now using footage posted on social network sites as televised news material; the news content of traditional media sometimes has to rely on information from social networks such as Twitter or Facebook. Moreover, the posts or tweets of certain famous political figures are at the forefront of news in traditional media in many cases, especially since there are figures and leaders who now prefer to communicate more directly and effectively with the public through social networks. The events of January 25, 2011 in Egypt are a model for interaction between traditional media and social networks; such networks did not themselves lead to the outbreak of sweeping popular protests which ousted the regime of former Egyptian President Mohammad Hosni Mubarak, which was a result of the combined effects of various media tools, means and societal conditions. Personal communications, catchy revolutionary slogans, the appeal of the Tunisian example inspiring Egyptian youth, partisan newspapers, Arab satellite channels (particularly Al Jazeera), mobile phones and the participation of opinion makers and prominent society celebrities in the protests from the beginning, all contributed to the revolution, along with Facebook invitations to mobilize demonstrators.

For over 150 years, from 1820 up to the foundation of the United Arab Emirates in 1971, the Trucial States and Britain were linked by a relationship that was unique when compared to the traditional colonial models that Britain exercised in India, Egypt and elsewhere.

The British administration of the Trucial States can be divided into two phases. The first was born of early British ambitions in the region and lasted until 1947. During this period Britain oversaw its interests in the Gulf through its representatives in India—the British East India Company and the India Office, which was dissolved after Indian independence in 1947. The second phase began in 1947 and ended in 1971, during which time Gulf affairs were transferred to the Foreign Office in London. This transfer of responsibility led to several administrative developments that had important implications for the internal affairs of the Trucial States.

This research is concerned with the period beginning in 1947 and ending in 1965—from the time that the responsibility for Gulf affairs was transferred to the Foreign Office in London, up to the year in which the chairmanship of the Trucial States Council was transferred from the British Political Agent to the native Sheikhs, marking a new phase in the history of the emirates.

A number of authors have dealt with various aspects of the British administration of the area in this period – for example, the second chapter of Nasser Ali Al-Bakeshi's Ph.D. thesis, “British Policy Towards the Trucial Coast Emirates 1947–1955” – and several researchers have addressed the question of British diplomatic representation in the emirates.

Anyone with an interest in the course of human history will recognize the fact that man's ambition – and that of humanity as a whole – is to achieve a better world in the future than the one it inhabits in the present. Mankind has dreamt of myriad ways to facilitate various aspects of life, including society, work, livelihood, and means of study—some of which have been realized, while many others remain mere aspirations. The topic of this book – the development of the role of social networks and their future implications for all aspects of life – is the reality of tomorrow, to which mankind must adapt with minimal disruption.

The globalization of digital technology has succeeded in realizing a number of mankind's ambitions, establishing the boundaries of a global electronic culture that extends across time and space. The interconnection of information and communication technologies is manifested in the emergence of social networks which, over time, have played a prominent role in shaping public opinion and in the formulation of subjective attitudes towards various different issues and events in numerous fields.

The Third Annual Conference of the Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research (ECSSR), “The Impact of the Information and Communication Revolution on Society and State in the Arab World,” which took place on January 4–7, 1997, sought to analyze the various dimensions of the impact of the information revolution on the communities of the UAE and the broader Arab world, in an attempt to identify future challenges facing the region in the coming century.

In her study “The Emerging Role of Social Media in Political and Regime Change,” Rita Safranek examines how social networks operate, as well as their role in the political upheavals taking place in the Philippines, Tunisia, Egypt and other countries, and discusses those critics of the ‘Twitter revolution.’ Her study concludes that:

In fact, the real power of “social media” lies in its support of civil society and social work, which will cause changes that could take years and decades to manifest, rather than weeks or months.

Philip Canton's study “Social Media and the Arab Spring: An Analysis of the Strategic Geopolitical Impact and the Implications for the Future,” states that, “Social media represents a strategic challenge both to governments and citizenry as it can be used to ferment [sic] dissent as well as propel democratic values for an entire society.” Social networks will continue to play a significant role in future international politics and, “… can be a potent tool in the hands of citizens who will use this instrument for social change and liberation movements against power elites and even entrenched states.”

Perry Viscounty, Jennifer Archie, Farnaz Alemi, and Jenny Allen explain in their study “Social Networking and the Law” that social networking sites face pressing legal challenges due to the lack of new legislation that can deal with the legal consequences of social network usage.

Although social networks have provided many benefits to users, they have also produced many legal conundrums resulting from improper use, including the problem of determining criminal liability for electronic copyright violations committed via social networking pages. Should the Internet Service Provider (ISP) be held responsible owing to the fact that it palys a key role in managing a website's information system on the Internet or should it be treated as a mere manager of technical communication services, which has nothing to do with the content posted on the website. Or is the user responsible in his capacity as the website's editor and the one who prepares material and controls the data that is disseminated via social networks? The two liabilities might become one when the website creator is also the content editor. In other words, it will be difficult to determine where the legal responsibility of social networks ends and the content owner's responsibility begins. In general, the laws governing the use of the Internet remain unclear and the question is still ‘what are the mechanisms that ensure effective application of those rules?’ There is no doubt that there have been many laws introduced in various countries to regulate online content and identify new types of crimes created by this technology. Researchers argue that the prevailing trend in jurisprudence worldwide is that the criminal liability for crimes of publication falls primarily on the managing editor or publisher, and that they are responsible for crimes committed by bloggers, since they are entrusted with reviewing the information posted on social networks before posting them on web pages.