Conventional survey tools such as weighting do not address non-ignorable nonresponse that occurs when nonresponse depends on the variable being measured. This paper describes non-ignorable nonresponse weighting and imputation models using randomized response instruments, which are variables that affect response but not the outcome of interest. This paper uses a doubly robust estimator that is valid if one, but not necessarily both, of the weighting and imputation models is correct. When applied to a national 2019 survey, these tools produce estimates that suggest there was nontrivial non-ignorable nonresponse related to turnout, and, for subgroups, Trump approval and policy questions. For example, the conventional MAR-based weighted estimates of Trump support in the Midwest were 10 percentage points lower than the MNAR-based estimates.

Word embeddings are now a vital resource for social science research. However, obtaining high-quality training data for non-English languages can be difficult, and fitting embeddings therein may be computationally expensive. In addition, social scientists typically want to make statistical comparisons and do hypothesis tests on embeddings, yet this is nontrivial with current approaches. We provide three new data resources designed to ameliorate the union of these issues: (1) a new version of fastText model embeddings, (2) a multilanguage “a la carte” (ALC) embedding version of the fastText model, and (3) a multilanguage ALC embedding version of the well-known GloVe model. All three are fit to Wikipedia corpora. These materials are aimed at “low-resource” settings where the analysts lack access to large corpora in their language of interest or to the computational resources required to produce high-quality vector representations. We make these resources available for 40 languages, along with a code pipeline for another 117 languages available from Wikipedia corpora. We extensively validate the materials via reconstruction tests and other proofs-of-concept. We also conduct human crowdworker tests for our embeddings for Arabic, French, (traditional Mandarin) Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Russian, and Spanish. Finally, we offer some advice to practitioners using our resources.

I develop a survey method for estimating social influence over individual political expression, by combining the content-richness of document scaling with the flexibility of survey research. I introduce the “What Would You Say?” question, which measures self-reported usage of political catchphrases in a hypothetical social context, which I manipulate in a between-subjects experiment. Using Wordsticks, an ordinal item response theory model inspired by Wordfish, I estimate each respondent’s lexical ideology and outspokenness, scaling their political lexicon in a two-dimensional space. I then identify self-censorship and preference falsification as causal effects of social context on respondents’ outspokenness and lexical ideology, respectively. This improves upon existing survey measures of political expression: it avoids conflating expressive behavior with populist attitudes, it defines preference falsification in terms of code-switching, and it moves beyond trait measures of self-censorship, to characterize relative shifts in the content of expression between different contexts. I validate the method and present experiments demonstrating its application to contemporary concerns about self-censorship and polarization, and I conclude by discussing its interpretation and future uses.

Treating images as data has become increasingly popular in political science. While existing classifiers for images reach high levels of accuracy, it is difficult to systematically assess the visual features on which they base their classification. This paper presents a two-level classification method that addresses this transparency problem. At the first stage, an image segmenter detects the objects present in the image and a feature vector is created from those objects. In the second stage, this feature vector is used as input for standard machine learning classifiers to discriminate between images. We apply this method to a new dataset of more than 140,000 images to detect which ones display political protest. This analysis demonstrates three advantages to this paper’s approach. First, identifying objects in images improves transparency by providing human-understandable labels for the objects shown on an image. Second, knowing these objects enables analysis of which distinguish protest images from non-protest ones. Third, comparing the importance of objects across countries reveals how protest behavior varies. These insights are not available using conventional computer vision classifiers and provide new opportunities for comparative research.

This article examines the information sharing behavior of U.S. politicians and the mass public by mapping the ideological sharing space of political news on social media. As data, we use the near-universal currency of online information exchange: web links. We introduce a methodological approach and software to unify the measurement of ideology across social media platforms by using sharing data to jointly estimate the ideology of news media organizations, politicians, and the mass public. Empirically, we show that (1) politicians who share ideologically polarized content share, by far, the most political news and commentary and (2) that the less competitive elections are, the more likely politicians are to share polarized information. These results demonstrate that news and commentary shared by politicians come from a highly unrepresentative set of ideologically extreme legislators and that decreases in election pressures (e.g., by gerrymandering) may encourage polarized sharing behavior.