In recent years, many emerging actors (e.g., new social movements and parties) associate democratic problems with representative institutions. Accordingly, as a solution, they propose to introduce direct citizen participation in constitution and law making. However, three fallacies undermine the potential benefits of citizen participation: (1) attributing a moral and/or epistemic superiority to “the people”; (2) assuming that superiority, expecting to replace representation with direct participation; and (3) supposing that the legitimacy deficit will be resolved automatically by introducing inclusive direct participation. This article argues against these three ideas by providing a framework to understand participatory constitution making and briefly examining the cases of Chile and Iceland.

Political science instructors have started to make use of the “staff ride”—that is, the combined study of a military campaign, structured visits to related sites, and after-action analysis. Our study is the first examination of the potential utility of this pedagogical tool in civilian political science programs. Although the specific knowledge and skills that any given staff ride promotes depend on its content and structure, the potential benefits include four student learning outcomes: (1) staff rides show students how we might draw lessons from the past and apply them to present or future problems; (2) students may derive an enhanced ability to empathize with military and civilian decision makers; (3) staff rides can highlight the normative stakes in politics; and (4) they can foster connections among the participants. This article describes potential benefits of a staff ride, provides detailed instructional models based on the Battle of Gettysburg and the Tet Offensive, and considers ways to replicate these experiences in more accessible formats.

Academic conferences are important institutions for promoting new research and facilitating conversations about the field. As a venue for knowledge exchange, professional development, and networking, conferences ideally promote positive environments that make scholars from underrepresented groups feel welcome. Yet, negative experiences at conferences are well documented. Codes of conduct have been promoted as tools to reduce harassment and discrimination. This article examines the prevalence and content of codes at US-based political science conferences and workshops. More specifically, we analyze whether and how codes address issues of sexual misconduct and identity-based discrimination. We find that 19% of 177 surveyed conferences have a code of conduct. Conferences that are older and larger are more likely to have codes, as are conferences that are run by organizations with permanent staff and relevant committees. We argue that effective conference codes must contain definitions, reporting channels, and enforcement procedures. Many of the analyzed codes did not explicitly define prohibited behaviors, specify mechanisms to report code violations, or describe consequences for misconduct.

Service-learning courses help students to identify career opportunities and foster civic engagement, but links to projects with local governments may be difficult to forge. State municipal associations are well positioned as intermediaries to link local governments and higher-education institutions, and their historic roots affirm their capacity to invest in the professionalization of the future public-service workforce. Yet, a recent survey of municipal associations revealed limited contact with higher-education institutions for the purpose of engaging students. Examples from Georgia, Iowa, and Washington highlight the potential role that municipal associations can have in the creation of service-learning opportunities for students. The demand for skilled workers in local government necessitates action by municipal associations and educators in political science to expand service-learning opportunities and access to local government.

Chile’s 2021–22 Constitutional Convention was the first in the world to feature mechanisms that guaranteed gender parity among constituents (Arce and Suárez-Cao 2021). This was not an easy win. Feminist activists and women politicians pushed for gender parity in 2020-21 in a country that had adopted gender quotas relatively late (Figueroa 2021; Reyes-Housholder, Suárez-Cao, and Le Foulon 2023; Suárez-Cao 2023; personal interview #1, April 21, 2023). Reserving seats for Indigenous groups and using other mechanisms to allow space for independent constituents further broadened the convention’s ostensible inclusiveness. After the September 2022 rejection of the 2021–22 Constitutional Convention’s draft, political parties immediately started over by crafting an elite-controlled process. Lawmakers—this time with surprising speed—again coalesced around the idea that an equal number of men and women should write the new draft.

Simulations are increasingly prominent in classrooms, and research shows that such activities provide an array of benefits. In general, simulations tend to situate students as “lab rats” (Asal 2005) who get to discuss the experiment. We call for bringing students into a simulation not as lab rats but instead as “mad scientists.” We specifically propose using a simulation’s debriefing step as an opportunity for students to imagine how they might revise the simulation that they experienced and to defend their revisions using concepts from class. We argue that such student-led revisions cultivate agentic engagement, a form of engagement in which students recognize themselves as co-constructors of knowledge with and for their peers. To test this notion, we modified the “Isle of Ted” with an expanded post-simulation debriefing. We found that our approach cultivated student engagement and buy-in, required students to think of concepts dynamically, and was relatively simple to implement. Our study contributes to the literature on simulations as effective and engaging classroom tools, and it also emphasizes the potential for simulations to spark agentic learning.

This article presents a short simulation active-learning exercise that can be used in political science undergraduate and postgraduate environmental politics courses to introduce and teach the subject of environmental activism. The exercise, which asks students to role play as determined environmental activists, draws on an analytical framework from Diani and Donati (1999) that provides a typology of nonpartisan political organizations. This “learning through typology” allows students to prioritize critical analysis while engaging with the subject matter in a creative and enjoyable way. The article provides the full process of the exercise, from the grounding in the framework and provision of contextual examples, to the running of the simulation, and finally to the presentation of students’ work and a group debriefing session. This exercise therefore adds to the growing use of simulations and active learning in the increasingly prominent field of environmental politics.

Many analysts have tried to discern the reasons behind the Chilean Constitutional Convention’s draft failure in the 2022 plebiscite. A significant explanation is the draft’s inclusion of indigenous rights and its plurinationality principle (Bargsted and González 2022). Despite Chile being unique in Latin America in its lack of constitutional recognition for its indigenous population (Acevedo 2021), most voters in indigenous areas appeared to have opposed the draft (Pairican 2022).1

On November 15, 2019, following almost a month of massive daily demonstrations across Chile, most political parties agreed to initiate an unprecedented constituent process. This process introduced institutional innovations for the Constitutional Convention elections, including gender parity, reserving 17 seats for indigenous individuals, and allowing nonparty candidates to run as independent candidates (Heiss 2021; Suárez-Cao 2021).

ChatGPT has captured the attention of the academic world with its remarkable ability to write, summarize, and even pass rigorous exams. This article summarizes the primary concerns that political science faculty have about ChatGPT and similar AI software with regard to academia. We discuss results of a national survey of political scientists that we conducted in March 2023 to assess faculty attitudes toward ChatGPT and their strategies for effectively engaging with it in the classroom. We present several assignment ideas that limit the potential for cheating with ChatGPT—a primary concern of faculty—and describe ways to incorporate ChatGPT into faculty teaching. Several suggestions for syllabi that address political science students’ use of ChatGPT also are provided.

A distinctive feature of 21st-century constitution making is the role assigned to citizens through various forms of direct participation, as well as special efforts to include groups underrepresented and marginalized in ordinary politics. The legitimacy of these processes increasingly requires a role for actors and groups previously excluded from crucial institutional decisions (Elster 1998; Fishkin 2011; Reuchamps and Welp 2023; Rubio-Marín 2020; Welp and Soto 2020). However, vested interests have proven challenging to overcome amid a global crisis of representation. The failed Chilean process of 2021–2022 provides valuable lessons about the triumphs and pitfalls of embracing an open approach to constitution making.

With the growing prevalence of AI tools, such as ChatGPT, political science instructors are navigating how to manage the use and misuse of AI in the classroom. This study underscores the prevalence of AI in academic settings and suggests pedagogical practices to integrate AI in the classroom in ways that are informed by students’ current interactions with and attitudes toward AI. Using a survey of undergraduate students in political science courses, the study finds that ChatGPT usage is widespread at the university level and that students are not confident in their skills for using AI appropriately to improve their writing or prepare for exams. These findings point to key areas where instructors can intervene and integrate AI in ways that enhance student learning, reduce potential achievement gaps that may emerge due to differences in AI usage across student backgrounds, and help students develop critical AI literacy skills to prepare for careers that increasingly are affected by AI.