Atendência para polarisar dialeticamente as situações socio-culturais chegou a conquistar dentistas do calibre de Georges Balandier, que investiu ha algum tempo contra os estudos de mudança cultural e contra a antropologia prática ou aplicada. Este trabalho, embora não se preocupe com “choques entre civilizações”, tem como presuposto a possibilidade da mudança cultural e se contem nos limites da etnopsiquiatria e da etnopsicologia.

Perón and the Peronista party and movement have been interesting from at least two crucially important perspectives: first, Perón's ability to keep Argentina hostage for three decades in his roles as twice-elected “lider,” as exiled “caudillo,” and president once more (I say “hostage” in the sense that he remained the pivotal political force in all the crucial coalition bargains struck among the major power contenders since 1943); second, his ability to forge an intellectual and political clientele that spanned several generations and encompassed various, but unique, ideological views. Perón had the leadership capability not only of touching many people but also of striking a common political resonance among vastly differing sets of values.

The first English travel literature dealing with the western countries of South America is that which describes the exploits of early British navigators such as Drake, Narbrough, Anson, and others.1 These accounts, however, are mostly limited to descriptions of the coastal areas, and very little is included about the inland country, the people, and their way of life. It was not until after the wars of independence had been fought and won that the Spanish monopolistic barriers were fully eliminated, and foreigners were permitted to travel freely in the newlyemancipated South American countries. This was particularly true of Chile and Peru, to which countless Englishmen were attracted and were able to record their first-hand, vivid impressions of what they had seen.

To understand the social revolution in Cuba today one must be at once anthropologist, historian, sociologist, political scientist, scientist, economist, writer, philosopher, and something of a rebel oneself. In other words, one must be a Universal Man. Who of us today, however, would pretend to such all-encompassing knowledge? The Cuban Revolution in the nineteenth century, however, did produce such a man, José Martí. Or rather, it would be more accurate to say that such a man produced the Revolution, at least in the sense that Marti was the main publicist for the revolutionary Cuban exiles, co-ordinator of the emigrant groups, money collector, and author of its major political documents.

Although Marti ranks with Simón Bolívar and José de San Martín as a liberator, he is relatively unknown in the United States. Yet his collected works fill seventy-four volumes. One bibliography lists over 10,000 items, including more than a hundred books and more than 200 monographs written about him. Marti was first and last a revolutionist, but he was also a poet, one of the best, and highly praised by such authorities as Gabriela Mistral, Rubén Darío, Miguel de Unamuno, Fernando de los Ríos, Rufino Blanco Fombona, and Amado Nervo.

In 1989 The Inter-American System will celebrate its centennial anniversary, tracing its lineage to the International Union of the American Republics formed at Secretary of State Blaine's Washington convocation in 1889. Over the years the mantle was passed, first, to the Pan American Union, and then to the system's present incumbent, the Organization of American States (OAS). It has been a century of unprecedented achievement and unremitting frustration, of great triumphs and repeated failures. Given the present state of the system, however, the major question is whether the system can endure, much less match the rhetoric and aspirations of its members, in its second century.

International cooperation is a political decision in search of a framework. The Organization of American States is the attempt to express and enhance that cooperation among the nations of the Western Hemisphere. It is, and can be, no better than the underlying relationships among the nations.

How does international migration affect political parties’ electoral strategies in the sending countries? This article argues that remittances help political parties decide whom to target during elections. Drawing from theories of vote targeting and those on the effects of remittances, this study addresses how political parties’ electoral strategies follow the specific characteristics of remittance recipients. Using individual-level data from Mexico’s 2006 presidential elections, the results show that receiving remittances had a significant impact on experiencing electoral targeting, especially by the then-incumbent PAN. This study reveals the importance of remittances in shaping the strategies of Mexican political parties.

Research on the presidency in Latin America offers one of the most promising sources of contributions to be made to the study of comparative government. With the exception of a few articles in journals, and chapters on the presidency in political science texts and readers, no general work on the Latin American chief executive is to be found in English. Also lacking are general works on the presidency in individual countries. With more than 700 Latin American presidents in office since the twenty republics were formed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, investigation seems not only possible but desirable in building modest or middle-range theories of development and modernization in the behavior of Latin American chiefs of state. Given the fact of presidential domination of the political process throughout much, if not most, of the republican period in Latin America, the presidency is an obvious and important focus of study.

Venezuela has experienced significant economic development during recent decades, although rapid population growth has partially offset economic gains. During the five-year period 1969-1973, the gross national product increased at an annual rate of 5.0 percent, which, coupled with population growth, yielded real per capita increases of 2.6 percent annually. Relatively smooth transition in the nationalization of the Venezuelan oil industry in 1976 presents a favorable assessment for the economy during the next decade. Yet while there has been notable progress in conventional economic indicators, there have been less rapid improvements in education, nutrition, and health. This paper examines past trends in Venezuelan population growth within the context of general social and economic development. Because of the importance of fertility in affecting population growth, particular attention is paid to fertility trends.

Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada
Lá sou amigo do rei
La tenho a mulher que eu quero
Na cama que escolherei
Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada

Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada
Aqui eu nao sou feliz

Em Pasárgada tem tudo
É Outra civilização
Tem um processo seguro
De impedir a concepção
Tem telefone automático
Tem alcaloide a vontade
Tem prostitutas bonitas
Para a gente namorar

— Lá sou amigo do rei —
Terei a mulher que eu quero
Na cama que escolherei
Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada

Published in 1957, to mark his seventieth birthday, the “Itinerário” gives a lucid account of Manuel Bandeira's biography, in which he carefully details the significant events of his long career. But the book has even greater value as a document which traces the poet's dual formation as man and as artist, the shaping of his artistic sensibility and consciousness of poetic mission.

La cuestión colonial fué comprendida por muy pocos políticos españoles del siglo XIX. Pi y Margall fué uno de ellos, si bien cuando llegó al poder no hizo nada. Prim fué otro. Según uno de sus biógrafos, “pensó en conceder la autonomía para después llegar a la independencia, y, cuando pensaba ya en triunfar, librado a nuestro país del cáncer que le consumía … aconteció el vil asesinato de que fué víctima.”1 El tercero fué Rafael María de Labra (1840-1918), a quien nadie excedió en señalar los vicios y pecados de la colonización española.

Verdaderamente sorprende hoy el olvido en que se tiene a un hombre que dedicó lo mejor de su vida a la defensa de los intereses antillanos. Porque América — hay que decirlo — fué su obsesión, no sólo durante los días de la colonia sino después, cuando ya perdidos los últimos restos del imperio español se dedicó a cultivar la intimidad americana y a fomentar la unión espiritual de España con las repúblicas hispanoamericanas.

It is not easy to distinguish between cultural, economic and political causes of the War of Independence in Spanish America and separate them into three closed compartments. Then there are psychological obstacles. There is a feeling among many Latin Americanists that this topic is exhausted and further research will add nothing new. Others want a complete revision of the usual causes cited and demand more documentary study. They believe that the standard causes are based on too scanty research, mostly done in the last century from incomplete sources. Furthermore, there are the rising nationalists and indigenistas of our century, most of them poor historians, who insist that the role of the Indians and mestizos was much more important than historians have accepted. They consider past historians racially and economically prejudiced. Such a trend is especially strong in Mexico, Bolivia, and Cuba, the three countries that have faced a real social revolution. And, unfortunately, history often follows the flag.

Portuguese, a relative newcomer to most college and university curricula, may possibly have been taught in the United States as early as the close of the seventeenth century in a school belonging to the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue of New York City. It seems likely that the early records kept in Portuguese over several decades were written by those who received their training in the language in New York City. Instruction in Portuguese in college was first offered by a Frenchman, Father Peter Babad of the Society of St. Sulpice. Just when the priest began teaching Portuguese at St. Mary's College in Baltimore, Maryland, is not precisely known, but in 1816 he had a class in it under the auspices of the Department of Classical Languages.

The question of state insolvency has been a recurring problem in modern history. Defaults have plagued investors and damaged many nations' credit on international money markets. Other nations have suffered due to investor anxieties resulting from defaults by their neighbors. Politicians, diplomats, financiers, and investors have differed greatly in their proposed solutions to the problems of national fiscal failure. The experience of Mexico in its postrevolutionary era is a classic example of the myriad problems faced by those who assist in the financial rehabilitation of the distressed nation, as well as by those who seek to protect investors.

The first half-century after Mexico won its independence was characterized by almost constant domestic strife, frequently humiliating international relations, and a tendency toward fiscal irresponsibility. It was not until Porfirio Díaz seized the presidency from Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada in 1876 that Mexico experienced a degree of domestic tranquility which earned it the tolerance begrudgingly granted by powerful states to their weaker but stable brethren.

The Commonwealth of the Bahama Islands entered the international system as a sovereign state on July 10, 1973. It did so by sponsorship, which is to say that as far as relations between the Bahamas and the imperial country (United Kingdom) are concerned, independence has been granted, rather than taken or seized, with a minimal amount of difficulty. The identification of various issue-areas related to the entry of the Commonwealth into the international system is one way of indicating the various components that have gone into making up the “national interest” of that country, at least in the perspective of the state's policy makers. More concretely, the peculiar problems arising from its character as an archipelago state with a relatively open economy, make the questions to be resolved before and immediately after independence perhaps more complex than those faced by the other independent states of the Commonwealth Caribbean that have acceded to full sovereignty in the last decade.

Does electoral campaigning in Latin America make a difference, and does it merit the attention of scholars? This was at the core of an extensive bibliographic analysis, published nearly two decades ago, which noted the paucity of literature on the subject, extending throughout the Third World and even including Western Europe (Martz, 1971). However, the rising tide of military authoritarianism dramatically reduced the relevance of the question in the region, and students of Latin American politics turned away, understandably, from concerted attention to campaigns, elections, and parties. Only with the reemergence of democratic regimes in recent years has interest turned back toward older emphases (Martz, 1990). Once again, theoretical developments have been colored by the events of the day, reorienting scholarly attention “from the military overthrow of civilian regimes and Latin American authoritarianism toward the prospects and processes of redemocratization” (Malloy, 1987).