¹ A wide array of publications on Hadramis in diverse regions of the Indian Ocean has come out in the last few decades; see e.g. in Hadhrami Traders, Scholars and Statesman in the Indian Ocean, 1750s-1960, (eds.) U. Freitag and W. G. Clarence-Smith (Leiden, 1997); Mobini-Kesheh, N., The Hadrami Awakening: Community and Identity in the Netherlands East Indies, 1900-1942 (New York, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Boxberger, L., On the Edge of Empire: Hadhramawt, Emigration and the Indian Ocean, 1880s-1930s (New York, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Freitag, U., Indian Ocean Migrants and State Formation in Hadhramaut: Reforming the Homeland (Leiden, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bang, A. K., Sufis and Scholars of the Sea: Family Networks in East Africa, 1860–1925 (London, 2003)Google Scholar; Ho, E., The Graves of Tarim: Genealogy and Mobility across the Indian Ocean (California, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Manger, L., The Hadrami Diaspora: Community Building on the Indian Ocean Rim (New York, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the racial identification of Arabs, see Mandal, S. K., Becoming Arab: Creole Histories and Modern Identity in the Malay World (Cambridge, 2018)Google Scholar; and on colonial law and Arabs, see Yahaya, N., Fluid Jurisdictions: Colonial Law and Arabs in Southeast Asia (Ithaca and London, 2020)Google Scholar.

² Despite having rampant connections and ubiquitous stakes, the Hadrami diaspora in Malabar still requires comprehensive research, although certain aspects of the community have appeared in the larger discussion of South Indian Muslims; see e.g. Dale, S. F., The Mappilas of Malabar 1498–1922: Islamic Society on the South Asian Frontier (Oxford, 1980), pp. 127–137Google Scholar. For their sociopolitical role in Malabar, see S. Dale, ‘The Hadrami diaspora in south western India: the role of the Sayyids of the Malabar coast’, in Hadhrami Traders, Scholars and Statesman, (eds.) Freitag and Clarence-Smith, pp. 175–197; see also A. Jaleel PKM, ‘The Hadrami Sayyid Diaspora in Kerala and Singapore: A Comparative Study’ (unpublished PhD thesis, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 2015); PKM, A. Jaleel, ‘Religious rivalries in eighteenth-century Malabar: the diasporic writings of a Hadrami scholar’, in Malabar in the Indian Ocean: Cosmopolitanism in a Maritime Historical Region, (eds.) M. Kooria and M. N. Pearson (Oxford, 2018), pp. 258–281Google Scholar.

³ Mappilas have putatively been introduced as a creole society that developed through the conversion of indigenous people and the temporal intermarriages of Arab traders; see Dale, Mappilas of Malabar, p. 24; Wink, A., Al Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World Early Medieval and Expansion of Islam 7th-11th Centuries (Leiden, 1990), vol. 1, pp. 69–70Google Scholar; see Bouchon, G., ‘A microcosm: Calicut in the sixteenth century’, in Asian Merchants and Businessmen in the Indian Ocean and the China Sea, (eds.) D. Lombard and J. Aubin (Delhi, 2000), pp. 40–49Google Scholar; V. S. D'Souza, ‘Status groups among the Moplahs on the south-west coast of India’, in Caste and Social Stratification among Muslims in India, (ed.) A. Imtiaz (Delhi, 1978), p. 24. Barbosa recorded the term ‘Mapulers’ for the indigenous Moors against the category of foreign ‘Pardesy’; see Barbosa, D., Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 1866), pp. 146–148Google Scholar. For Logan's observations, see Logan, W., Malabar (Madras, 1951), vol. 1, p. 191Google Scholar.

⁴ On the commercial networks of Malabar, see Gupta, A. Das, Malabar in Asian Trade 1740–1800 (Cambridge, 1967)Google Scholar; A. Das Gupta, ‘Malabar in c. 1740’, in The World of the Indian Ocean Merchant 1500-1800: Collected Essays of the Ashin Das Gupta, (eds.) A. Das Gupta et al. (New Delhi, 2001), pp. 421–456; G. Bouchon, ‘Sixteenth century Malabar and the Indian Ocean’, in India and the Indian Ocean 1500-1800, (eds.) A. Das Gupta and M. N. Pearson (Calcutta, 1987), pp. 46–56; R. Banerjee, ‘Mappilla mercantile network of Malabar in the 18th century’, in Minorities on India's West Coast: History and Society, (ed.) A. Gupta (Delhi, 1991), pp. 151–201.

⁵ For a general overview of cultural transmissions, see Ilias, M. H., ‘Mappila Muslims and the cultural content of trading Arab diaspora on the Malabar coast’, Asian Journal of Social Sciences 35 (2007), pp. 434–456CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ See e.g. Prange, S. R., Monsoon Islam: Trade and Faith on the Malabar Coast (Cambridge, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ On the concept of nationalist Mappila, see M. T. Ansari, ‘Refiguring the fanatic: Malabar 1836–1922’, in Muslims, Dalits, and the Fabrications of History: Subaltern Studies XII, (eds.) S. Mayaram et al. (Delhi 2005), pp. 64–77; Bahaudhin, K. M., Kerala Muslimkal Cheruthunilpinte Charithram (Calicut, 1995)Google Scholar. For the Marxist reading, see Panikkar, K. N., Against Lord and State: Religion and Peasant Uprising in Malabar, 1836–1921 (Delhi, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁸ Ahmad, S., What Is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Princeton and Oxford, 2016)Google Scholar.

⁹ Peacock shows how Sufi cosmopolitanism produces continuity rather than diversity; A. C. S. Peacock, ‘Sufi cosmopolitanism in the seventeenth-century Indian Ocean: Sharīʿa, lineage and royal power in Southeast Asia and the Maldives’, in Challenging Cosmopolitanism: Coercion, Mobility and Displacement in Islamic Asia, (eds.) J. Gedacht and R. M. Feener (Edinburgh, 2018).

¹⁰ On Monsoon Asia, see P. Mus, India Seen from the East: Indian and Indigenous Cults in Champa, (trans.) I. W. Mabbett, (ed.) D. P. Chandler (Caulfield, 2010); Prange, Monsoon Islam, p. 2.

¹¹ In literary and cultural analysis, the concept of cosmopolis has been well attested; see S. Pollock, The Language of the Gods in the World of Men: Sanskrit, Culture, and Power in Premodern India (Berkeley, 2006); R. Ricci, Islam Translated: Literature, Conversion, and the Arabic Cosmopolis of South and Southeast Asia (Chicago, 2012); T. Petrů, ‘“Lands below the winds” as part of the Persian cosmopolis: an inquiry into linguistic and cultural borrowings from the Persianate societies in the Malay world’, Moussons 27 (2016), pp. 147–161. The Islamic law has been a recent addition; see M. Kooria, Islamic Law in Circulation: Shāfiʿī Texts across the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean (Cambridge, 2022).

¹² A theological school in Islam named after Abū al-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī that became dominant in the Abbasid Caliphate and later in the Indian Ocean, making alliance with the Shāfiʿī school of law; see W. M. Watt, ‘Ashʿariyya’, in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, (eds.) H. A. R. Gibb et al. (Leiden,1986), vol. 1, p. 696.

¹³ For the debates on neo-Sufism, see J. O. Voll, Islam: Continuity and Change in the Modern World (Boulder, 1982); R. S. O'Fahey and B. Radtke, ‘Neo-Sufism reconsidered’, Der Islam 70.1 (1993), pp. 52–87; J. O. Voll, ‘Neo-Sufism: reconsidered again’, Canadian Journal of African Studies 42. 2–3 (2008), pp. 324–328.

¹⁴ For interesting aspects of the ritual in East Africa, see A. K. Bang, Islamic Sufi Networks in the Western Indian Ocean in the Western Indian Ocean (c. 1880-1940): Ripples of Reform (Leiden, 2014), pp. 143–162.

¹⁵ There are several sources on this eponymous figure ʿAbd Allah al-Ḥaddād, such as Shaykh bin Muhammad al-Jifrī, Kanz al-Barāhīn al-Kasbiyya wa al-Asrār al-Wahabiyya al-Ghyibiyya li Sādāt Mashāyikh al-Ṭarīqa al-‘Alawiyya al-Ḥusayniyya wa al-Shuʿaybiyya (Egypt, 1864 copy with additional notes in the first pages, Maʿūnat al-Islam Arabic College, Ponnani), pp. 17–32; Muhammad bin Abū Bakr al-Shillī, Mashraʿ al- Rawī fī Manāqib ʿAla Sāda al-Kirām Āl Banī ʿAlawī, 2 vols. (Miṣr, 1901), pp. 181–184; ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muhammad bin Ḥusayn Al-Mashhūr, Shams al-Ẓahīra fī Nasab Ahl al-Bayt min Banī ʿAlawī Furūʿ Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ wa-Amīr al-Muʾminīn ʿAlī Radiya Allahu ʿAnhu, 2 vols. (Jeddah, n.d.), pp. 568–571.

¹⁶ For excellent research on local sources from the Malay world, see T. Sevea, Miracles and Material Life: Rice, Ore, Traps and Guns in Islamic Malaya (Cambridge, 2021); and, from Malabar, see W. C. Jacob, For God or Empire: Sayyid Fadl and the Indian Ocean World (Stanford, CA, 2019).

¹⁷ Recent scholarship has succeeded to a greater extent in divesting such literature from the old positivistic enigma; see e.g. O. Safi, ‘Bargaining with Baraka: Persian Sufism, mysticism and pre-modern politics’, The Muslim World 90 (2000), pp. 259–287; O. Safi, The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam: Negotiating Ideology and Religious Enquiry (Chapel Hill, 2006); D. DeWeese, ‘Ahmad Yasavī and the dog-men: narratives of hero and saint at the frontier or orality and textuality’, in Theoretical Approaches to the Transmission and Edition of Oriental Manuscripts, (eds.) J. Pfeiffer and M. Kropp (Beirut and Würzburg, 2007); R. Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700: Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India (Princeton, 1978).

¹⁸ See J. Abu Lughod, Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D. 125-1350 (New York, 1989); K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge, 1985); P. Risso, Merchants and Faith: Muslim Commerce and Culture in the Indian Ocean (Oxford, 1995); M. Pearson, The Indian Ocean (London, 2003); J. Voll, ‘Transcultural/transstate networks in the Muslim world’, in Interactions: Trans-regional Perspectives on World History, (eds.) J. H. Bentley et al. (Honolulu, 2005), pp. 30–47; Ho, Graves of Tarim; Kooria, Islamic Law in Circulation; C. Formichi, Islam and Asia: A History (Cambridge, 2020).

¹⁹ For the significance of the neoclassical phase in Sufi historiography, see E. S. Ohlander, ‘Sufism in medieval Muslim societies’, History Compass 8.6 (2010), p. 521; L. Massignon et al., ‘Taṣawwuf’, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, (eds.) Th. Bianquis et al. (Leiden, 1998), vol. 10, pp. 313–340; M. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization (Chicago, 1974), vol. 2; A. Wink, Making of the Indo-Islamic World; Pearson, Indian Ocean; N. Green, Sufism: A Global History (Malden, MA, 2012). On Sufism and Islamization, see e.g. A. H. Johns, ‘Islamization in Southeast Asia: reflections and reconsiderations with special reference to the role of Sufism’, Southeast Asia Studies 31.1 (1993), pp. 43–61. On the specific role of Arab migrants, see P. G. Riddle, ‘Arab migrants and Islamization in the Malay world during the colonial period’, Indonesia and the Malay World 29.84 (2001), pp. 113–128.

²⁰ In the South Indian context, for example, see S. Bayly, Saints, Goddesses and Kings: Muslims and Christians in South Indian Society, 1700-1900 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 74–75; Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur.

²¹ For the Kāzarūnī presence, see e.g. Abū ʿAbd Allah bin Muhammad al-Lawātī Ibn Baṭūṭa, Riḥla ibn Baṭūṭa ʿAjāʾib al-Amṣār wa Gharāʾib al-Asfār (Miṣr, 1905); H. Algar, ‘Kāzarūnī’, in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, (eds.) E. van Donzel et al. (Leiden, 1995), vol. iv, pp. 851–852; M. van Bruinessen, ‘Shaykh ʿAbd al-Qadir al-Jilani and the Qadiriyya in Indonesia’, Journal of the History of Sufism 1.2 (2000), pp. 361–395; H. Malik, The Grey Falcon: The Life and Teaching of Shaykh Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani (Leiden, 2018).

²² See e.g. the seventeenth-century debates on Wujūdiyya between Nūr al-Dīn al-Ranīrī (d. 1658) and ʿAbd al-Raʿūf al-Sinkīli (d. 1693) in Aceh. Azyumardi Azra, The Origins of Islamic Reform in Southeast Asia: Networks of Malay-Indonesian and Middle Eastern ʿUlamāʾ in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Leiden, 2004), pp. 54–86. For legal crisscrossing in the Indian Ocean, see Yahaya, Fluid Jurisdictions; I. R. Hussin, The Politics of Islamic Law: Local Elites, Colonial Authority, and the Making of the Muslim State (Chicago, 2016); F. Bishara, A Sea of Debt: Law and Economic Life in the Western Indian Ocean, 1780-1950 (Cambridge, 2016); J. Blecher, Said the Prophet of God: Hadith Commentary Across a Millennium (Berkeley, 2017).

²³ The Kondotty Sufi order is said to have originated from Muhammad Shah, who hailed from Mumbai and settled in Kondotty of Malabar (where the present Calicut airport is situated) probably in the sixteenth century. Logan (1857) recorded that the first shrine was built there in 1541 and the present Tangal had been receiving an Inam from the British government; see W. Logan, A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Other Papers of Importance Relating to British Affairs in Malabar (Calicut, 1857), vol. 1, p. ccclviii. For religious polemics, see the collection of Fatwas sent from Hejaz on the order, anonymous, Majmū’a Fatāwa al-ʿUlamāʾ al-Aʿlām al-Mutaʿalliqa bi al-Firqa al-Mubtadiʿa al-liʾām al-Zanādiqa al-Malāʿīn al-Rafaḍa al-Mutashayyikha al-ʾIbāhiyyīn al-Wārida ʾilā Qarya Kondotty min Diyār Malaybār, manuscript, not numbered, Jifri house, Calicut, n.d., p. 3; Jaleel PKM, ‘Religious rivalries’; H. Randathani, Mappila Malabar (Calicut, 2008), pp. 139–141.

²⁴ I use the phrase ‘theo-legal Sufi discourses’ to refer to cross-disciplinary intellectual engagements with, especially in our case, the Shāfʿī school, the Ashʿarī theology, Sufi ideas, and practices. By drawing on Hannah Arendt's critique of the Weberian notion of authority, Alatas brilliantly conceived the Islamic religious authority as such a hierarchical relationship that has been able to do the articulatory labour of connecting with the Prophetic past; I. F. Alatas, What Is Religious Authority? Cultivating Islamic Communities in Indonesia (Princeton, 2021), pp. 4–5.

²⁵ Abū Ḥāmid Muhammad bin Muhammad al-Ghazzālī, Ihyāʾ ʿUlūm al-Dīn (Beirut, 2005); Zayn al-Dīn Ramaḍān bin Sharaf bin Mūsa bin Muhammad al-Shāfiʿī, ʿUmda al-Aṣhāb wa Nuzha al-Aḥbāb, manuscript, 94, Chāliyam, Maktaba al-Azhar; Abū Bakr Bakrī bin Sayyid Muhammad Shaṭṭa al-Dimyātī, Kifāya al-Atqiyāʾ wa Minhāj al-Asfiyāʾ (Cairo, 1885); Shaykh Muhammad al-Nawawī, Sulālim al-Fuḍalāʾ (Cairo, 1885).

²⁶ See P. K. Yasser Arafath, ‘Polyglossic Malabar: Arabi Malayalam and the Muhyiddeen Mala in the age of transition (1600s-1750s)’, JRAS 3 (2020), pp. 1–23; M. van Bruinessen, ‘Sufi “orders” in Southeast Asia: from private devotion to social networks and corporate action’, in Buddhist and Islamic Orders in Southern Asia, (eds.) R. M. Feener and A. M. Blackburn (Honolulu, 2019), p. 136.

²⁷ For a brilliant analysis of divine sovereignty represented by Hadramis, see Jacob, For God or Empire. Muslim kingdoms in Southeast Asia competed to accommodate Alawi Sayyids for similar reasons; see Ho, Graves of Tarim, pp. 152–173; J. Kathirithamby-Wells, ‘“Strangers” and “stranger-kings”: the Sayyid in eighteenth-century maritime Southeast Asia’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40.3 (2009), p. 591.

²⁸ In the context of Southeast Asia, see Alatas, What Is Religious Authority, p. 77.

²⁹ Conversation with Abdurahman Mangat Calicut on 1 May 2014. From the East African context, Bang observes that even Salafis view the Rātīb al-Ḥaddād as being less harmful; Bang, Ripples of Reform, pp. 148–159.

³⁰ See Pollock, Sanskrit Cosmopolis; Ricci, Arabic Cosmopolis; G. Sood, India and the Islamic Heartlands: An Eighteenth-Century World of Circulation and Exchange (Cambridge 2016); O. Cornwall, ‘Alexander and the Persian Cosmopolis, 1000-1500’ (unpublished PhD thesis, Columbia University, 2016).

³¹ The time prescribed for the recitation of Rātīb is after the ʿIshāʾ prayer, except in Ramadan, when it is recommended before the night prayer; see ʿAbd Allah bin Aḥmad Bā Sūdān, Kitāb Dhakhīra al-Maʿād bi Sharaḥ Rātīb al-Ḥaddād (Miṣr, 1900), pp. 54–56.

³² Rātīb literally means an ordering or structuring. For a commentary of the litany of al-Ḥaddād, see ibid. A summary is found in Bang, Ripples of Reform, pp. 146–148. For this implications of this ritual in Indonesia, see Alatas, What Is Religious Authority?, pp. 65–78. Adhkār is used in Islamic theology for chants made in the remembrance of God; see L. Gardet, ‘Dhikr’, in Encyclopedia of Islam, (eds.) B. Lewis et al. (Leiden, 1991), pp. 223–227. For a religious discussion, see al-Ghazzālī, Ihyāʾ, pp. 348–360.

³³ The participant observation was performed during the fieldwork held from 2014 to 2017 in various mosques in the districts of Malappuram, Calicut, Kannur, and Kasarcode, where the ritual was regularly practised. I had the opportunity to attend the ritual in many of these places.

³⁴ See e.g. Wink, Making of the Indo-Islamic World, pp. 69–70; L. R. S. Laxmi, The Malabar Muslims: A Different Perspective (New Delhi, 2012), pp. 2, 7–10; O. Khalidi, ‘Sayyids of Hadramawt in medieval and early modern India’, Asian Journal of Social Science 32.2 (2004), pp. 329–351; A. Lathif, The Concise History of Kayalpatnam (Kayalpatnam, 2004); and R. E Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala: A Study in Islamic Trends (New Delhi, 1992); Ilias, ‘Mappila Muslims’, p. 444; A. D. W. Forbes, ‘Southern Arabia and the Islamicization of the central Indian Ocean archipelagoes’, Archipel 21 (1982), pp. 80–85; ʿAbd al-Ghafūr ʿAbd Allah al-Qāsimī, al-Muslimūn fī Kayralā (Malappuram, 2000).

³⁵ See P. Abubakr, ‘Hikmatinte Yemeni Sannidhyam’, in Sunni Jilla Sammelana Souvenir, (ed.) M. Al-Faydi (Malappuram, 2008), p. 32.

³⁶ The description of a sanctified geography of Hadramawt is abundant in Hadrami literature; see e.g. M. A. al-Shillī, Mashraʿ, pp. 131–132; ʿAbd al-Qadir bin Shaykh bin ʿAbd Allah al-ʿAydarūs, Tārīkh al-Nūr al-Sāfir ʿan al-Akbār al-Qarn al-ʿĀshir (Beirut, 1986), pp. 117–122; and al-Jifrī, Kanz al-Barāhīn, pp. 231–232.

³⁷ R. B. Serjeant, ‘Yemeni merchants and trade in Yemen: thirteenth and sixteenth centuries’, in Asian Merchants and Businessmen, (eds.) Lombard and Aubin, p. 67; E. Lambourn, ‘“India from Aden”: Khutba and Muslim urban networks in late thirteenth-century India’, in Secondary Cities and Urban Networking in the Indian Ocean Realm c. 1400-1800, (ed.) K. R. Hall (Lanham, 2008).

³⁸ See e.g. Kooria, Islamic Law in Circulation, pp. 47–65.

³⁹ The note describes that the manuscript of Tanbīh had been copied and endowed in 1568 (975 A.H.) by ʿAbd Allah al-Haḍramī when he was a teacher there; see cover page of Abu Isḥāq Ibrāhīm bin ʿAlī al-Fayrūzābādī al-Shīrazī, Kitāb al-Tanbīh fī al-Fiqh al-Shāfiʿī, Manuscript no. 179, Maktaba Islāh al-ʿUlūm Arabic College, Tanur. Although Tanur has been a locality with a notable Muslim population at least since the sixteenth century, it reached its apogee as an Islamic learning centre only after the famous scholar ʿUmar Qāḍī was assigned as its chief mentor in 1822; see S. Muhammad Husayn Nainar, Shaykh Zainuddin Makhdum's Tuḥfatul Mujāhidīn: A Historical Epic of the Sixteenth Century, translated from Arabic with annotation by S. Muhammad Husayn Nainar (Calicut, 2005), p. 57; Barbosa, Description of the Coasts, p. 153; A.P. Muhammadali Musliyar, Malayālathile Mahārathanmār (Calicut, 1997), pp. 37–52.

⁴⁰ See e.g. E. Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern Asia, 4 vols (Madras, 1909), p. 481; Miller, Mappila Muslims, p. 260; Forbes, ‘Southern Arabia’, p. 88. For the scholarly family of Makhdūms and Ponnani, where they settled, see H. Randathani, Makhdūmum Ponnāniyum (Ponnani, 1998).

⁴¹ ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz bin Zayn al-Dīn bin ʿAlī bin Aḥmad al-Maʿbarī, Maslak al-Atqiyāʾ wa Manhaj al-Aṣfiyāʾ fi Sharaḥ Hidāya al-Adhkiyāʾ (Calicut, n.d.), pp. 1–4.

⁴² Although it was the name of a city in the north-west province of Yemen, Arab geographers such as Yaqūt al-Hamwī, Dimishqī, and Abul Fida considered Ma'bar to be a place in South India; see Syed Muhammad Husayn Nainar, Arab Geographers' Knowledge of Southern India: The Knowledge of India Possessed by Arab Geographers down to the 14th Century A.D. with Special Reference to Southern India (Calicut, 2011), pp. 54–56. The absence of a lofty title of ‘al-Yamanī’ alongside the appellation of ‘al-Maʿbarī’ in Maslak and the claim in Qaṣīda Makhdūmiyya by Mahkdūm al-Akhīr that the family hailed from Maʿbar in the Coromandel Coast that lies ‘between Colombo and Kayalpatanam’ complicates the story of the Hadrami origin of the Makhdūms; see Konganam Vītil Ibrāhīm Mawlawī, Qaṣīda al-Makhdūmiyya (Ponnani, 1886), p. 6.

⁴³ The Hadrami minister in Ibn Battuta's accounts of Maldives at the south-west of Malabar did not seem to belong to the Sayyid lineage; see Ibn Baṭūṭa, Riḥla, pp. 139–153.

⁴⁴ See ʿAbd al-Qādir bin Shaykh bin ʿAbd Allah al-ʿAydarūs, Tārīkh Nūr al-Sāfir ʿan al-Akhbār al-Qarn al-ʿĀshir (Beirut, 1986), p. 488; and al-Shillī, Mashraʿ, vol. 2, pp. 117–119.

⁴⁵ Al-Shaykh Zayn al-Dīn bin ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz bin Zayn al-Dīn bin ʿAī bin Aḥmad al-Maʿbari, Tuḥfa al-Mujāhidīn fī Baʿḍi Akhbār al-Burtughāliyyīn, (ed.) Ḥakīm Sayyid Shamsullah Qādirī (Hyderabad, 1931), p. 25; Nainar, Shaykh Zainuddin Makhdum's Tuḥfatul Mujāhidīn, p. 57. Although Fatḥ al-Mubīn by Qāḍī Muhammad names notable persons who took part in the Chāliyam battle such as the Sufi figure Shams al-Dīn Muhammad al-Ḥimṣī (d. 1572) and the port leader ʿUmar al-ʿAntābī, it does not refer to Sayyids; see Muhammad bin ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Kalikūtī, ‘Qaṣīda Fatḥul Mubīn lī al-Sāmirī al-Ladhī Yuḥibbu al-Muslimīn’, in Fath al-Mubin Paribhasha, (ed. and trans.) Mankada Abdul Aziz (Calicut, 1996), p. 16; see also M. Shokoohy, Muslim Architecture of South India: The Sultanate of Maʿbar and the Tradition of the Maritime Settlers on the Malabar and Coromandel Coasts (Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Goa) (London, 2003), p. 168. Barbosa's description of foreigners does not specify their ethno-geographic composition; Barbosa, Description of the Coasts, p. 146.

⁴⁶ Due to the political strife that emerged in the royal family after the death of his brother ʿAbd al-Wahhāb, Muhammad had to leave for Hyderabad, where he passed away; al-Shillī, Mashraʿ, vol. 2, pp. 16–17.

⁴⁷ Bruinessen, ‘Sufi “orders” in Southeast Asia’, p. 127; Azra, Origins of Islamic Reform, pp. 54–62.

⁴⁸ In the coastal regions of Calicut and Quilandi, I met people with ostentatious claims of Arabic lineage, not only from Hadramawt, but also from other regions of Yemen and Hejaz. However, most of them have no clear idea about their Arab surnames. Sayyed Abdulla Munaffar, a Hadrami descendant in Quilandi, has recorded the names of Hadrami non-Sayyid families there, such as ʿAfif, Barghayba, Bāduwa, Bāsakrān, Bāmadīn, Bāsālim, Bāṭṭa, Bārāmī, Fakhkhār, Matraḥān, Yāfiʿī, and Hamadānī. I am thankful to him for his detailed conversations with me. See also Sayyed Abdulla Ahammad Munaffar, Ahlu Bayt, Pravachaka Santana Parambara: Charitra Samgraham (Calicut, 2002), pp. 40–41; see also Muhammad Koya Parappil, Kozhikkotte Muslimkalude Chairthram (Calicut, 1993).

⁴⁹ On Muslims in the age of print and steam, see J. L. Gelvin and N. Green, Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print (California, 2014).

⁵⁰ D. van der Meulen and H. van Wissman, Hadramaut: Some of Its Mysteries Unveiled (Leiden, 1964); Ho, Graves of Tarim, pp. 152–194; Freitag, Indian Ocean Migrants, pp. 46–61.

⁵¹ For example, Jifrī details the names and locations of his nephews and cousins who migrated to southern part of Aceh and Banda Aceh; see Shaykh bin Muhammad al-Jifrī, Kawkab al-Jalīl al-Rafīʿ al-Zahir al-Munīr al-Durrī, manuscript, not numbered, Maʿūnat al-Islam Arabic college, Ponnani, copied in 1933, pp. 78–81.

⁵² On Sayyid Muhammad, see Shaykh bin Muhammad al-Jifrī, Natīja Ashkāl Qaḍāya Maslak al-Jawhar al-Jawāhiriyya wa Burhān Sulṭān Mashāʾikh al-Ṭarīqa al-ʿAydarūsiyya al-Qādiriyya, manuscript, not numbered, Maʿūnatul Islam Arabic College, written in 1784, Ponnani, pp. 17–18. Shaykh states that Muhammad ‘had been regularly reciting the poem of “Ilzam Baba Rabbak” after the Ratib’, which denotes Rātīb al-Ḥaddād; see al-Jifrī, Kanz al-Barāhīn, p. 527. Quilandi has been one of the areas inhabited largely by Hadramis in Malabar. For details, see Sadat Directory (Quilandi, n.d.); Rahmatullah Saqafi, Keralathile Sayyid Kudumbangal (Calicut, 2006), p. 101.

⁵³ See e.g. Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad Koya al-Shāliyātī, Sharaḥ Sabāʾik al-ʿArab fi Ma'rifa Qabāʾil al-ʿArab wafi Ma'rifa Awlād al-Rasūl, manuscript, not numbered, Maktaba al-Azhar, Chaliyam; and anonymous, al-Shajara al-Aṣl al-Nūrāniyya wa Maʿdin al-Asrār al-Rabbāniyya, manuscript, not numbered, Edarikode, Muḥdār bin Cherukunhikoya. These texts trace the expansion of families such as Shihāb, Jifrī, Jamal al-Laylī, and ʿAydarūs in Malabar. I am grateful to Sayyid ʿAlawī Tangal Kannadiparamb, Sayyid Unais Tangal Melmuri, and Agati Ustad in Malappuram for providing copies of significant genealogies and many other valuable sources on Hadramis in Malabar.

⁵⁴ For instance, one Sufi Ijāza notes that Muhammad bin Ḥusayn Shihāb (d. 1956) had given the recital licence of the ritual to Muhammad al-ʿIdīd (d. 1953), while he received his own from Aḥmad al-Jifrī (d. 1930), indicating the passage of the Rātīb among individuals of different locations and generations; see the diary of Muhammad bin ʿAbd Allah al-ʿIdīd (d. 1953), manuscript, not numbered, personal library, Salīm ʿIdīd Munniyur, Tirurangadi, f. 14v. I am very grateful to Salīm ʿIdīd for sharing these precious materials.

⁵⁵ See al-Jifrī, Kanz al-Barāhīn, pp. 523–526. For details of Mawlids held in the name of Mamburam Tangal, see C. A. Innes, Madras District Gazetteers: Malabar and Anjengo, (ed.) F. B. Evans (Madras, 1908), p. 195.

⁵⁶ Logan's report on 7 February 1885 to the government explains in detail the hand-taking ceremony; see no. 1169, Judicial Dept, 2 May 1885, Regional Archives, Calicut, p. 9.

⁵⁷ Although this incantation is not named in the text, it might be either Rātīb al-Ḥaddād or the litany by Faḍl, which is locally known as Pukoyante Rātīb (the litany of Pūkoya); see e.g. Correspondence on Moplah Outrages in Malabar for the Years 1853–59 (Madras, 1863), vol. 2, p. 164 (hereafter, CMO); On Mawlids’ praising Sayyid ʿAlawī and the annual ritual of Nercha at Mamburam, see Innes Malabar District Gazetteers, p. 195.

⁵⁸ Public licencing (Ijāza ʿĀmma), given to a group of people, was widely made in the case of the Rātīb al-Ḥaddād; see Bā Sūdān, Kitāb Dhakhīra, p. 53, 56. However, the Ijāza does not now seem a prerequisite for the recitation in Malabar and elsewhere.

⁵⁹ See e.g. the description of the Tariqa chain and ritual conveyance recorded in a note before the introductory section of Kanz; al-Jifrī, Kanz al-Barāhīn, pp. ii–iv.

⁶⁰ Kalikūtī scholars were primarily associated with the Qāḍī house of Calicut; see e.g. Parappil, Kozhikkotte Muslimkalude Chairthram.

⁶¹ Jifrī's arrival in Malabar has not been recorded accurately. Since he had received Tariqa from Muhammad (d. 1747) in Malabar, he would have reached Malabar before the early half of the eighteenth century; see al-Jifrī, Natīja Ashkāl, pp. 17–18. On his life, education, and Sufi scholarly engagements, see ʿAydarūs bin ʿUmar al-Ḥibshī, ʿIqd al Yawāqīt al-Jawhariyya wa Simṭ al-ʿAyn al-Dhahabiyya bi Dhikr Ṭarīqa al-Sādā al-ʿAlawiyya (Kharnfash-Misr, 1900), vol. 1, p. 69; Shihābuddīn Abu al-Saʿādā Aḥmad Koya al-Malaybārī, ‘Asmāʾ Muʾallififīn fī Diyār al-Malibār’, in Majmūʿ Khams Rasāʾil, (ed.) ʿAbd al-Naṣīr Aḥmad al-Shāfiʿī al-Malaybārī (Oman, 2013), p. 41; ʿAbd al-Naṣir al-Malaybārī al-Shāfiʿī, Tarājim ʿUlamāʾ al-Shāfiʿiyya fī al-Diyār al-Hindiyya (Jordan, 2010), p. 100; Jaleel PKM, ‘Religious rivalries’, pp. 259–262.

⁶² Jifrī begins his Natīja Ashkāl with this Sufi figure; Al-Jifrī, Natīja Ashkāl, pp. 17–18. Jifrī was also associated with the Naqshabandī order. For details, see al-Ḥibshi, ʿIqd al Yawāqīt, p. 69.

⁶³ On Ḥasan, see al-Jifrī, Kanz al-Barāhīn, pp. 12–13; Shaykh bin Muhammad al-Jifrī, al-Hafawāt al-Ṣādirāt mini al-Khayālāt al-Waridāt, manuscript, not numbered, Jifrī House, Calicut, pp. 391–402. Jifrī probably met Ḥasan after his Hajj pilgrimage in 1773 when he visited the homeland with his brother Sayyid ʿAbd Allah (d. 1774); see ʿAbd al-Rahmān ʿĀlim bin Mīrān Labba, al-Kawkab al-Dhurrī fī Manāqib al-Quṭb Shaykh Jifrī (Calicut, 1911), p. 9. Al-Jifrī's Hafawāt indicates that the pilgrimage was done through the Muscat port; see al-Jifrī, al-Hafawāt, p. 36.

⁶⁴ However, we cannot confirm the popular claim that Shaykh was well received by the Hindu Zamorin and that the huge mansion, which was big enough to accommodate many new immigrant Alawi relatives and foreign Alawi students, was really endowed by the Hindu king; see Sayyid Unais Melmuri, Sayyid Shaykh Jifri (Calicut, 2007).

⁶⁵ See al-Jifrī, Hafawāt, pp. 165–167.

⁶⁶ See the list of properties in the Inam register compiled by J. W. Robinson, Regional Archives, Kozhikode, nos. 29, 126. In another Hadrami case of Sayyid Abdool Rayman Hydross Peergad, son of Syed Maostapha of Cochin, Logan notes that he had been given land by Hyder Ali an Enaum, ‘the produce of which may yield 400 Rupees, in the Calicut talook’; see Logan, Collection of Treaties, p. 116. During my visit to the Jifri house in 2015, I observed a bench upon which Tipu is believed to have sat during his royal visit, which has been preserved.

⁶⁷ Most of them migrated and settled through family networks, married within local communities or the daughters of early immigrants, and found religious careers in the region; for details, see Jaleel PKM, ‘Hadrami Sayyid Diaspora’, pp. 163–169.

⁶⁸ Muḥammad ʿAlī Musliyār, Tuḥfa al-Akhyār fī Aʿyān Malaybār, MS not numbered, Personal Library of Muhammad Ali Musliyār, Nellikkutt, not dated, p. 12; Abū al-Fayḍ Aḥmad bin Nūr al-Dīn al-Mullawī al-Bangī, al-Nafaḥāt al-Jalīla fī Manāqib al-Quṭb al-Ghawth al-Sayyid ʿAlawī bin Muhammad Mawlā al-Dawīla (Chemmad, 2010), pp. 11–14, Dale, ‘Hadhrami diaspora’, pp. 177–178.

⁶⁹ Among the immigrants hosted by Jifrī were ʿAlī al-Haḍramī of Shihāb al-Dīn (arrived in 1767), ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Musāwī (d. 1842) of Ponnani (arrived in 1796), and Ḥusayn Sīthikoya al-Bafaqī (arrived in 1771); see Musliyār, Tuḥfa al-Akhyār, pp. 10–26.

⁷⁰ The Alawi Sufi chain mentions that Sayyid ʿAlawī had accepted the order from Shaykh al-Jifrī (d. 1808); see al-Jifrī, Kanz al-Barahin, p. ii; and Dale, ‘Hadhrami diaspora’, pp. 177–181.

⁷¹ Colonial authorities traced such influential Hadrami figures; see e.g. Correspondence on Moplah Outrages in Malabar for the Years 1849–1853 (Madras, 1863), vol. 1, pp. 221–230; and S. Alavi, ‘“Fugitive Mullahs and outlawed fanatics”: Indian Muslims in nineteenth century trans-Asiatic imperial rivalries’, Modern Asian Studies 45.6 (2011), pp. 1337–1382.

⁷² Regarding the Ḥaddādian paradigm that promotes inclusivity in the Alawi order and its implications in Indonesia, see Alatas, What Is Religious Authority, pp. 65–106. Among significant non-Alawis who were initiated to the order by Jifrī in Malabar are Qāḍī Muḥyiddīn (d. 1844) of Calicut and ʿAbd al-Qādir bin ʿUmar Labba al-Qāhirī; see al-Jifrī, Kanz al-Barāhīn, p. ii.

⁷³ See al-Jifrī, Kawkab al-Jalīl, pp. 3–5. These material benefits included marriages with noble families and political gains through marital relations as attested well in the case of Southeast Asia; Ho, Graves of Tarim, p. 98. In Malabar, some Hadramis married into the royal Ali Raja family of Cannanore; see Musliyār, Tuḥfa al-Akhyār, p. 33. For political legitimacy through Sufi leadership in Morocco, see A. Hammoudi, Master and Disciple: The Cultural Foundations of Moroccan Authoritarianism (Chicago, 1997).

⁷⁴ See al-Jifrī, Natīja Ashkāl, pp. 5–17; and Kanz al-Barāhīn, pp. 460–465. The practice of prostrating before the Sufi master was a matter of contention in Malabar, even in the late nineteenth century; see Majmū'a Fatāwa, ff. 2r–4r.

⁷⁵ The context that led to the formation of Ḥaddā Rātī has been described by Sayyid Bā Sūdān; see Bā Sūdān, Kitāb Dakhīra, p. 53; Faḍl bin ʿAlawī Mawladdawīla, Sharaḥ al-Wird wa al-Rātīb al-Shahīrayn (n.p., 1961), p. 26. Contemporary political and scholarly interest in the Zaydi sect has increased in the wake of the Houthi movement and civil war in Yemen; see e.g. H. H. Albloshi, ‘Ideological roots of Huthi movement in Yemen’, Journal of Arabian Studies 6.2 (2016), pp. 143–162.

⁷⁶ See al-Jifrī, Kanz al-Barāhīn, p. 461

⁷⁷ E.g., in his rebuttal to the Kondotty order, he utilises Yāfiī's conceptualisation of Shāfiʿī normativity; al-Jifrī, Natīja Ashkāl, p. 14. For references to al-Adhkiyāʾ by Jifrī, see Jifrī, Hafawāt, p. 124.

⁷⁸ However, this position has not always been exclusive to Hadramis.

⁷⁹ For details on Salafi ideologies preached by Muhammad Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhab (d. 1792), see M. Cook, ‘On the origins of Wahhabism’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2.2 (1992), pp. 191–202; and for the collection of Wahhab's works, see ʿAbd al-Aziz al-Rumi (ed.), Muʾallafāt Shaykh Muhammad bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb (Riyad, 1976).

⁸⁰ He equates Shiites with the perpetrators of the Karbala incident, as he viewed the ʿĀshurāʾ ritual as the hurting of their departed souls; see al-Jifrī, Hafawāt, p. 90.

⁸¹ This anti-Wahabi litany, written in 1804, barely 12 years after Ibn Wahhab's demise in 1792, was later published with commentary by Malabari scholar, al-Shāliyatī.; see Shihābuddīn Aḥmad Koya al- Shāliyatī, Sharaḥ al-Irshādāt al-Jifriyya fī al-Radd ʿAla al-Ḍalālat al-Wahābiyya (Calicut, n.d.).

⁸² However, regions such as Hadramawt in Southern Arabia were facing the heat of Wahhabi military and political expansion in neighbouring regions; see M. al-Rasheed, A History of Saudi Arabia (Cambridge, 2010), pp. 20–21. The Hadrami references that Jifrī quoted were Miṣbāḥ al-ʾAnām and Sayf al-Bātir, written by ʿAlawī bin Aḥmad al-Ḥaddād (1749–1817) in 1802; see al-Shāliyatī, Sharaḥ al-Irshādāt, p. 12; ʿAbd Allah bin Muhammad bin Ḥāmid al-Saqāf, Tārīkh al-Shuʿarāʾ al-Haḍramī (n.p., n.d.), vol. 3, pp. 43–46.

⁸³ See e.g. al-Jifrī, Hafawāt, pp. 29–36.

⁸⁴ For details of ʿAlawī's Sufi linkages, see Faḍl Pasha bin al-Gawth ʿAlawī bin Muhammad bin Sahl Mawladdawīla Bā ʿAlawī, al-Ṭarīqa al-Ḥanīfa al-Samḥāʾ (Miṣr, 1899), p. 16.

⁸⁵ Written in 1887 with the help of Sayyid Faḍl, Nubdha records that Sayyid ʿAlawī was born in October 1753, grew up in Tarīm with sublime characters, and set out for Malabar at age 15 on 7 February 1768; Aḥmad bin Abī Bakr bin ʿAbd Allah bin Sumayṭ, Nubdha Muḥtawaya ʿAlā Baʿḍi Manāqib al-Ghawth al-Shahīr wa al-Quṭb al-Munīr ʿAlawī bin Muhammad bin Sahl Mawladdawīla (Beirut, 1889), p. 6.

⁸⁶ Dale, ‘Hadhrami diaspora’, pp. 177–178.

⁸⁷ See e.g. CMO, vol. 1, p. 222.

⁸⁸ On this Sufi figure, see Qāḍī Muhammad, Nubdha Yasīra min Manāqib Shams al-Dīn Muhammad, manuscript, not numbered, 1588, Imbichi Koya Tangal Personal Library, Calicut; al-Kalikutī, Fatḥ al-Mubīn, p. 16.

⁸⁹ Sayyid ʿAlawī's frequent visits to the Shrine of Ḥimṣī were later cited as evidence of the sublimity of the buried saint and this was reiterated in public discourse; see e.g. https://pravasirisala.com/archives/2335.

⁹⁰ See e.g. his Faḍl bin al-Gawth ʿAlawī bin Muhammad bin Sahl Mawladdawīla al-ʿAlawī al-Ḥusaynī, Īḍāḥ al-Asrār al-Alawiyya wa Minhāj al-Sāda al-ʿAlawiyya (Miṣr, 1899), pp. 112–113.

⁹¹ Faḍl's position in the Ottoman palace might have helped him to publish numerous texts in Istanbul; see e.g. Faḍl Pasha bin al-Ghawth ʿAlawī bin Muhammad bin Sahl Mawladdawīlā Ba ʿAlawī Ḥusaynī, al-Ṭarīqa al-Ḥanīfa al-Samḥāʾ (Istanbul, 1899).

⁹² See Ho, Graves of Tarim, p. 98; Kathirithamby-Wells, ‘Strangers’, pp. 568–569.

⁹³ Jacob, For God or Empire, p. 45.

⁹⁴ See CMO, vol. 1, pp. 255–258.

⁹⁵ Ibid, p. 222; Panikkar views this belief in supernatural powers as being crucial for the Sayyids’ popular legitimacy; see Panikkar, Against Lord and State, p. 197.

⁹⁶ CMO, vol. 1, p. 222.

⁹⁷ Ibid, p. 289.

⁹⁸ See CMO, vol. 2, pp. 157, 162–164.

⁹⁹ These include hagiographies, mawlids, and ballads; see e.g. Mullakormat Mammad Kutty, Sārasar Guna Tiru Tarula Māla (n.p., 1911); Muhammad Haji, Sayyid ʿAlawī Māla (Tirurangadi, 1909). The numerous hagiographies on Sayyid ʿAlawī include: Arīkal Aḥmad Musliyār's al-Minḥa al-Qawī, Karātt Kunhipāri Musliyār's Fatḥ al-Kabīr, and Chāppanagādi Ḥasan Musliyār's Mawlid fī Manāqib Sayyid ʿAlawī. For details, see Moin Malayamma and Mahmood Panangangara, Mamburam Tangal: Jīvitham, Āthmīyath and Porāttam (Chemmad, 2010), pp. 104–108.

¹⁰⁰ For such stories, see Sumayṭ, Nubdha, p. 16; and al-Bāngī, al-Nafaḥāt, p. 35. A deposition by Hajee Abdool Rahimon of Cannanore on 31 October 1855 gave similar accounts; see CMO, vol. 2, pp. 162–164.

¹⁰¹ S. Digby, ‘To ride a tiger or a wall? Strategies of prestige in Indian Sufi legend’, in According to Tradition: Hagiographical Writing in India, (eds.) W. M. Callewaert and R. Snell (Wiesbaden, 1994), p. 100.

¹⁰² The ballad Cherūr Padappātu, for example, was confiscated by the British upon the realisation that it immortalised the celebrated martyrdom of anti-British fighters in the region. For an orientalist reading, see F. Fawcett, ‘War songs of the Mappilas of Malabar’, Indian Antiquary 30 (1901), pp. 499–508, 528–537.

¹⁰³ Dale, ‘Hadhrami diaspora’, pp. 179–181.

¹⁰⁴ Bā ʿAlawī, al-Ṭarīqa al-Ḥanīfa, pp. 19–24.

¹⁰⁵ On the normativity, Faḍl mentions that the Sufi sainthood (Alwilāya) is nothing other than the uprightness (al-Istimqāma); see al-Ḥusaynī, Īḍāḥ, p. 117; for a detailed discussion on Īḍāḥ, see Jacob, For God or Empire, pp. 119–139.

¹⁰⁶ In most of the 31 incidents, which were mostly led by Hadramis, mentioned by T. L. Strange in Malabar, economic, labour, caste, and gender exploitations prominently figured; see CMO, vol. 1, pp. 399–439.

¹⁰⁷ See e.g. ibid, vol. 1, p. 276.

¹⁰⁸ Jacob, For God or Empire.

¹⁰⁹ E.g. the leadership of the IUML in Kerala had been revolving around Hadrami families such as al-Bāfaqī and al-Shihāb for the last few decades; see R. Santhosh and M. S. Vaisakh, ‘Muslim league in Kerala: exploring the question of being secular’, Economic and Political Weekly LV.7 (2020), p. 52.

¹¹⁰ Among the mosques that were connected to Sayyid ʿAlawī in and around Tirurangadi are the Vadakke Masjid of Tanur, the Chappanangadi Juma Masjid, Puthanangadi Masjid in Vengara, Koramkulangara Masjid in Kacheripadi, Venniyur Juma Masjid, Munnur Odungatt Chinakkal Juma Masjid, Ponmundam Juma Masjid, and Perincheri Masjid. I have visited most of these mosques. For details, see K. K. Muhammad Abdul Kareem, Malabarile Ratnangal (A. R. Nagar, 2004), p. 22; K. K. Muhammad Abdul Kareem, Mamburam Tangal (Tirurangadi, 1957), pp. 46–49; Raḥmatulla Saqāfi, Qutubussaman Mamburam Tangalum Keralathile Sayyid Kudumbangalum (Ernakulam, 2013), pp. 68–73; P. K. Muhammad Kunhi, Keralathile Muslim Pallikal: Samanwaya Shakshikal (Kozhikode, 1988), p. 4; Malayamma and Panangangara, Mamburam Tangal, pp. 166–169. Although I could identify most of these mosques and visited several of them, I could not find the exact date of establishment for all nor estimate the actual cost for completing each project in the nineteenth century. In addition, in some undocumented waqf endowments, new deeds have been written to facilitate the management of waqfs.

¹¹¹ E.g., in Puthanangadi mosque and Venniyur mosques, we find that the descendants of the individuals who were associated with Sayyid ʿAlawī and built these mosques held prominent positions within the managing committee; interview with Bāpputty Musliyār of Venniyur Mosque and Abdullah Irfānī of Puthanangadi mosque in 2023.

¹¹² Letter from the Principal Collector of Malabar to the BOR, Settlement Report of Fusly, 1242 (1832/33) dated 15 January, vol. 4817 (1834), pp. 30–35; cf. Arafath, ‘Polyglossic Malabar’, p. 11.

¹¹³ Bā Sūdān, Kitāb Dhakhīra, p. 53.

¹¹⁴ Similar economic questions can be found in the official reports, for which the answer from his devotee is: ‘As rich people come to him he asks them to give a certain portion of their money to beggars and he was not seen taking anything from anyone but paid with his own hand’; see CMO, vol. 2, p. 164.

¹¹⁵ ‘Feeling satisfied with the healing by Sayyid ʿAlawī, a landlord named Musak granted acres of land for building the mosque in Kodinhi’; interview with Kodinhi mosque imām Ḥyderali Fayḍī on 18 March 2017. See also the letter by Sayyid ʿAlawī Mawladdawīla to Valiyākathodukayil Sayyid ʿAbd al-Qādir bin Aḥmad, dated 17 February 1837; S. A. Jifri collections, unnumbered doc., Personal Library of Salīm ʿIdīd Tangal, Munniyur. Another supporting document from the same source is a Fatwa requested by residents of Kodinhi to Putiyakathu Muhammad Makhdūm of Ponnani in 1883.

¹¹⁶ E.g. Anchukandan ʿUsmān Ḥājī, one of the disciples who sought blessings from Sayyid ʿAlawī of Mamburam for his third Hajj pilgrimage, was advised instead to build a mosque in his native place Puthanangādi, Vengara, and his descendants still hold crucial positions in the managing board and have been Mutawalli of the mosque for many decades; see Saqafi, Rahmatullah, Mamburam Tangalum Keralathile Sayyid Kudumbangalum (Ernakulam, 2013) p. 88Google Scholar; also, interview with ʿAbd Allah al-Irfānī, Mudarris, Puthanangadi mosque, Vengara on 14 July 2022.

¹¹⁷ Ibid, p. 87. The story of designating ʿAydarūs Tangal to Vadakkumuri was reproduced in the calendar that was published by the mosque committee in 2015.

¹¹⁸ However, this is not to claim that mosque appointments were exclusively for Hadrami Sayyids, which was against the Ḥaddādian inclusive tradition. Sayyid ʿAlawī also appointed non-Sayyid scholars such as Abū Bakr of Kannanchery; Malayamma and Panangangara, Mamburam Tangal, pp. 151–165. In the later periods, non-Hadrami scholars such as Quṭbī Muhammad Musliyār (d. 1966) and Chappanangadi Bāppu Musliyār (d. 1978) became great preachers of the Alawi litany in Malabar.

¹¹⁹ The network resource theories explain this homophily principle: where the actors share similar resources, the least effort is required to produce even better outcomes; see Lin, Nan, Social Capital: A Theory of Social Structure and Action (New York, 2001), pp. 48–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁰ Torsten Tschacher, ‘Challenging orders: Ṭarīqas and Muslim society in Southeast Asian India and Laṅka’, in Buddhist and Islamic Orders in Southern Asia, (eds.) Feener and Blackburn, p. 76.