This article considers the link between industrialization and social movement strategy. In the late nineteenth century, temperance organizations, rebuffed by Congress, won prohibition at the state level, especially in the American South and West. Simultaneously, lawmakers in the Reconstruction South and West built railroads to Midwestern rail hubs, which housed breweries and distilleries that shipped liquor by rail back into dry states. The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union and Anti-Saloon League lobbied dry state congressmen to ban this interstate liquor traffic through the 1890 Wilson Act and 1913 Webb-Kenyon Act and eventually sought a complementary national amendment prohibiting liquor manufacturing, sale, and transportation. As railroad expansion and advances in liquor manufacturing undermined the state-level dry regime, prohibitionists pushed for a nationwide ban, contrary to voters’ preferences. This case shows how interest groups adapted a new legislative strategy, partly in response to industrialization and interstate rail development at the turn of the twentieth century.

This article examines the influence of the American Medical Association’s (AMA) campaign against national health insurance between 1945 and 1950. Although previous research has focused on the AMA’s professional influence and its opposition to national health care proposals, I argue that the AMA’s efforts played an essential role in the widespread adoption of private health insurance in the postwar era. Managed by the political consulting firm Whitaker and Baxter, the campaign actively promoted so-called “voluntary” health insurance and mobilized its member physicians and medical societies to support this alternative. Drawing on new archival research, I also highlight the significance of state-level innovations and medical society insurance plans, particularly in California. Ultimately, the article shows how the AMA’s campaign not only prevented the adoption of national health care but also entrenched private health insurance as a cornerstone of the American welfare state.

The early 1970s was a tumultuous time for abortion law and policy in North Dakota where the defeat of an abortion liberalization initiative in 1972 was quickly followed by Roe v. Wade in 1973. The resulting political and cultural circumstances strongly favored the North Dakota Right to Life Association, which saw much of its agenda passed by the legislature with overwhelming bipartisan support. This study uses a political culture perspective to examine the development of North Dakota abortion law and policy in the years after Roe. It illustrates how the state legislature, interest groups, the bureaucracy, and the courts reacted to a series of disruptions in abortion policy. The resulting policies made abortion a continuing source of tension within North Dakota politics.

Despite nearly two centuries of actively stylizing itself as above the partisan fray of banal politics, the US Supreme Court faces increasing scrutiny over its ideological nature, ethical lapses, and perceived disconnection from democratic accountability. This article explores potential reforms including ethics guidelines, public affairs offices, and term limits to enhance the Court’s legitimacy. It also examines trends in judicial decision making, the Court’s relationship with public opinion, and the influence of identity politics on judicial perceptions through an examination of the scholarship on the Court. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for ongoing research and methodological innovation to address these challenges and ensure the Court’s role in American democracy.