We explored long-term employment status and income before and after depression diagnosis among men and women and at different working ages in Taiwan.

Data from 2006 to 2019 were obtained from the National Health Insurance Research Database (NHIRD). Individuals with newly diagnosed depressive disorder aged 15 to 64 years during the study period were identified. An equal number of individuals without depression were matched for their demographic and clinical characteristics. Employment outcomes included employment status, which was categorized into employed or unemployed, and annual income. Based on the occupation categories and monthly insurance salary recorded in the Registry for Beneficiaries of the NHIRD, a subject was defined as unemployed if he or she differed from the income earner or the occupation category was unemployed. Monthly income was defined as zero for unemployed subjects and proxied as monthly insurance salary for others. Annual income was the sum of monthly income in each observation year.

A total of 420,935 individuals with depressive disorder were included in the study, and an equal number of individuals with not diagnosed depression served as controls. Employment rate and income were lower in the depression group than in the control group before the year of diagnosis, with a difference of 5.7% in employment rate and USD 1,173 in annual income. This gap increased considerably after the year of diagnosis (7.3% in employment rate and USD 1,573 in annual incomes) and further widened in the subsequent years (8.1% in employment rate and USD 2,006 in annual incomes in the 5th following year). The drops in the employment rate and income caused by depression were more evident in men and older age groups than in women and younger age groups, respectively. However, the reduction in employment rate and income in the following years after the diagnosis was more considerable among younger age groups.

The effect of depression on employment status and income was significant during the year of diagnosis and continued afterwards. The effect on employment outcomes varied between genders and across all age groups.

Most information about the association between childhood maltreatment (CM) and subsequent psychiatric morbidity is based on retrospective self-reports. Findings from longitudinal studies using prospective reports to statutory agencies may be subject to attrition. We therefore compared the prevalence to age 30 of inpatient psychiatric diagnoses in those who experienced agency-reported CM with those of the rest of the cohort using administrative data to minimise loss to follow-up.

We used linked administrative data for two birth cohorts of all individuals born in Queensland, Australia in 1983 and 1984 (N = 83,050) and followed to age 30 years. This was the entire cohort aside from 312 people who died. Information on CM came from statewide child protection data and psychiatric diagnoses from all public and private hospital admissions in Queensland.

On adjusted analyses, the 4,703 participants (5.7%) who had been notified to the statewide child protection authority had three to eight times the odds of being admitted for any of the following psychiatric diagnoses by age 30 years old: schizophrenia-spectrum disorders, bipolar affective disorders, depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorders (PTSD). There were similar findings for all the CM subtypes. Associations were especially strong for PTSD with between a seven – and nine-fold increase in the odds of admission.

This is one of the largest studies of the long-term effects of CM, covering an entire jurisdiction. All types of maltreatment are significantly related to a range of psychiatric disorders requiring hospitalisation. Early identification, intervention and providing appropriate support to individuals who have experienced CM may help mitigate the long-term consequences and reduce the risk of subsequent mental health problems.

It is timely to ask what epidemiology has brought to our knowledge about mental illness and what information is proving of particular value. In this task, the first step is to identify the truly fundamental questions that the epidemiology of mental disorders should be expected to answer. This review is selectively directed at four such questions.

A small number of significant publications were identified.

The extent to which some major questions in epidemiology have been answered is examined.

When considered alongside epidemiological knowledge elsewhere in medicine, psychiatric epidemiology has indisputably proved to be a powerful tool. Descriptive studies have been particularly useful for advocacy and policy, while analytic studies of aetiology have yielded some valuable clues. There are now signs that linkage with neuroscience will bring further progress in understanding the causes of mental disorders.

In the United States, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, asexual and other sexually minoritized and gender expansive (LGBTQ+) young adults are at increased risk for experiencing mental health inequities, including anxiety, depression and psychological distress-related challenges associated with their sexual and gender identities. LGBTQ+ young adults may have unique experiences of sexual and gender minority-related vulnerability because of LGBTQ+-related minority stress and stressors, such as heterosexism, family rejection, identity concealment and internalized homophobia. Identifying and understanding specific LGBTQ+-related minority stress experiences and their complex roles in contributing to mental health burden among LGBTQ+ young adults could inform public health efforts to eliminate mental health inequities experienced by LGBTQ+ young adults. Therefore, this study sought to form empirically based risk profiles (i.e., latent classes) of LGBTQ+ young adults based on their experiences with familial heterosexist experiences, LGBTQ+-related family rejection, internalized LGBTQ+-phobia and LGBTQ+ identity concealment, and then identify associations of derived classes with psychological distress.

We recruited and enrolled participants using nonprobability, cross-sectional online survey data collected between May and August 2020 (N = 482). We used a three-step latent class analysis (LCA) approach to identify unique classes of response patterns to LGBTQ+-related minority stressor subscale items (i.e., familial heterosexist experiences, LGBTQ+-related family rejection, internalized LGBTQ+-phobia and LGBTQ+ identity concealment), and multinomial logistic regression to characterize the associations between the derived classes and psychological distress.

Five distinct latent classes emerged from the LCA: (1) low minority stress, (2) LGBTQ+ identity concealment, (3) family rejection, (4) moderate minority stress and (5) high minority stress. Participants who were classified in the high and moderate minority stress classes were more likely to suffer from moderate and severe psychological distress compared to those classified in the low minority stress class. Additionally, relative to those in the low minority stress class, participants who were classified in the LGBTQ+ identity concealment group were more likely to suffer from severe psychological distress.

Familial heterosexist experiences, LGBTQ+-related family rejection, internalized LGBTQ+-phobia and LGBTQ+ identity concealment are four constructs that have been extensively examined as predictors for mental health outcomes among LGBTQ+ persons, and our study is among the first to reveal nuanced gradients of these stressors. Additionally, we found that more severe endorsement of minority stress was associated with greater psychological distress. Given our study results and the previously established negative mental health impacts of minority stressors among LGBTQ+ young adults, findings from our study can inform research, practice, and policy reform and development that could prevent and reduce mental health inequities among LGBTQ+ young adults.

Children of incarcerated mothers are at increased risk of experiencing multiple adversity such as poverty, mental illness and contact with child protection services (CPS), including being taken into out of home care (OOHC). However, little is known about whether these children are at increased risk of suicide or self-harm compared to children not exposed to maternal incarceration or about the factors that may contribute to this. We aimed to investigate differences in the risk of suicide and self-harm between children exposed to maternal incarceration and those not exposed and examine how socio-demographic factors, maternal mental illness and CPS contact (with or without OOHC) may affect these outcomes.

We used a retrospective matched cohort study design, comparing 7674 children exposed to maternal incarceration with 7674 non-exposed children. We used multivariable Cox proportional hazards regression to compare the risk of suicide and self-harm between exposed and non-exposed groups, controlling for geographical remoteness, CPS contact and maternal mental illness.

There was no significant difference in the rate of suicide (rate ratio [RR] = 1.49; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.78, 2.87) or risk of suicide (adjusted hazard ratio [aHR] = 0.92; 95% CI: 0.43, 1.96) between the two groups. However, the exposed group had a significantly higher rate of self-harm (RR = 2.83; 95% CI: 2.50, 3.21) and a significantly higher risk of self-harm (aHR = 1.74; 95% CI: 1.45, 2.09) compared to those non-exposed. CPS contact with or without OOHC was independently associated with an increased risk of self-harm for both groups.

Children exposed to maternal incarceration are at an increased risk of self-harm and should be prioritized to receive targeted, multimodal support that continues after the mother’s release from prison. The association between CPS contact and self-harm warrants further research.

Associations between employment status and mental health are well recognised, but evidence is sparse on the relationship between paid employment and mental health in the years running up to statutory retirement ages using robust mental health measures. In addition, there has been no investigation into the stability over time in this relationship: an important consideration if survey findings are used to inform future policy. The aim of this study is to investigate the association between employment status and common mental disorder (CMD) in 50–64-year old residents in England and its stability over time, taking advantage of three national mental health surveys carried out over a 14-year period.

Data were analysed from the British National Surveys of Psychiatric Morbidity of 1993, 2000 and 2007. Paid employment status was the primary exposure of interest and CMD the primary outcome – both ascertained identically in all three surveys (CMD from the revised Clinical Interview Schedule). Multivariable logistic regression models were used.

The prevalence of CMD was higher in people not in paid employment across all survey years; however, this association was only present for non-employment related to poor health as an outcome and was not apparent in those citing other reasons for non-employment. Odds ratios for the association between non-employment due to ill health and CMD were 3.05 in 1993, 3.56 in 2000, and 2.80 in 2007, after adjustment for age, gender, marital status, education, social class, housing tenure, financial difficulties, smoking status, recent physical health consultation and activities of daily living impairment.

The prevalence of CMD was higher in people not in paid employment for health reasons, but was not associated with non-employment for other reasons. Associations had been relatively stable in strength from 1993 to 2007 in those three cross-sectional nationally representative samples.