The article first presents the broad outlines of a recent work of the author. It shows that Social Credit was a movement long before it became a political party, a fact which offers the opportunity to present a brief history of the Social Credit phenomenon in Quebec. This political movement is defined as a protest movement, and its ideology is that of the right in the sense that it makes its appeal particularly to conservatism, with a view to preserving a social and economic order threatened with disappearance. One can distinguish three phases in the evolution of the movement: a mobilization phase, a consolidation phase and a phase of institutionalization. For each of these phases there is a corresponding type of leader. Moreover factionalism acts as the catalyst of change of the movement from one phase to another. The last part of the article presents and discusses the recent developments of Social Credit in Canada and in Quebec. Two different choices appear to be available to the party: to radicalize its appeal as a movement of right-wing protest, or to modernize its ideology in such a way as to become a moderate party of the centre right. Finally the Creditiste phenomenon is examined as a particular species of a broader genus which would include the Parti Québécois as well. One could therefore apply to the latter the same type of analysis that was applied to the Creditiste phenomenon.

Nevitte, Neil, André Blais, Elisabeth Gidengil and Richard Nadeau. Unsteady State: The 1997 Canadian Federal Election. By Duff Spafford 177

Arend, Sylvie et Christiane Rabier. Le processus politique. Environnement, prise de décision et pouvoir. Par Christine Bout de l'An 178

Cairns, Alan C., John C. Courtney, Peter MacKinnon, Hans J. Michelmann and David E. Smith, eds. Citizenship, Diversity, and Pluralism: Canadian and Comparative Perspectives. By Idil Boran 180

Benoit, William L. Seeing Spots: A Functional Analysis of Presidential Advertisements, 1952-1996. By Richard Jenkins 182

Reichmann, Rebecca, ed. Race in Contemporary Brazil: From Indifference to Inequality. By Ronald Schmidt, Sr. 183

McLaren, Peter. Che Guevara, Paulo Freire, and the Pedagogy of Revolution. By Marco A. Navarro-Génie 184

Laffan, Michael. The Resurrection of Ireland: The Sinn Fein Party 1916-1923. By Gretchen Macmillan 186

Schmitter, Philippe C. How to Democratize the European Union . . . and Why Bother? By Amir Abedi 187

Mandelbaum, Michael, ed. The New European Diasporas: National Minorities and Conflict in Eastern Europe. By Pál Dunay 189

Guibernau, Monserrat. Nations without States: Political Communities in a Global Age. By Margaret Moore 192

Arneil, Barbara. Politics and Feminism. By Judith Squires 193

Miller, David. Principles of Social Justice. By Annabelle Lever 195

Carens, Joseph H. Culture, Citizenship, and Community: A Contextual Exploration of Justice as Evenhandedness. By Monique Deveaux 197

Joppke, Christian and Steven Lukes, eds. Multicultural Questions. By Alan Patten 198

Steinhart, Eric. On Nietzsche. By Craig Beam 200

Verma, Vidhu. Justice, Equality and Community: An Essay in Marxist Political Theory. By Brian Caterino 201

Stoett, Peter. Human and Global Security: An Exploration of Terms. By Lowell Ewert 203

Clement, Norris C., Gustavo del Castillo Vera, James Gerber, William A. Kerr, Alan J. MacFadyen, Stanford Shedd, Eduardo Zepeda and Diane Alarcón. North American Economic Integration: Theory and Practice. By Tony Porter 204

Enloe, Cynthia. Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women's Lives. By Maya Eichler 205

Youngs, Gillian. International Relations in a Global Age: A Conceptual Challenge. By Sandra Whitworth 207

Paul, T.V. and John A. Hall, eds. International Order and the Future of World Politics. By Kim Richard Nossal 208

Deng, Yong and Fei-Ling Wang, eds. In the Eyes of the Dragon: China Views the World. By Jeremy Paltiel 210

Regan, Patrick M. Civil Wars and Foreign Powers: Outside Intervention in Intrastate Conflict. By Stephen Ryan 212

Sandler, Todd and Keith Hartley. The Political Economy of NATO: Past, Present, and into the 21st Century. By David G. Haglund 213

Yeung, May T., Nicholas Perdikis and William A. Kerr. Regional Trading Blocs in the Global Economy: The EU and ASEAN. By Richard Stubbs 215

Zeiler, Thomas W. Free Trade, Free World: The Advent of GATT. By Sir Nicholas Bayne, KCMG 216

For seven days in July 1981 the politics of the Polish United Workers Party remained in the centre of attention of international media. The IXth Extraordinary Congress of the PUWP produced an unprecedented atmosphere of drama and suspense. When it was over, its importance was heralded by terms such as “a watershed,” and “a historic turning point.”

Socialism is often defined in terms of “community,” or, as Professor John Wilson once put it, as a “society of friends.” Thus defined, it is contrasted with the competitive relations of bourgeois society. But in some recent theory and practice, political competition is taken to be a defining feature of a legitimate socialist order. The persistence of political institutions is thus stressed, both by Western socialist theorists and by reformers in Eastern and Central Europe, and the orthodox view that “state” is to be superseded by “community” is sharply rejected. These two critiques differ, however, in one major respect: for Western socialists, the state is to be legitimated by the principles of socialist rationality, while for many reformers of Eastern and Central Europe it is to be legitimated by political life itself. From this second point of view, neither “friendship” nor “rationality” responds to the tensions which a socialist polity, no less than any other, will face: for both these concepts, to the extent that they are taken to set pre-established norms, constrict the “space for political action, ” and thus remove the necessary conditions for legitimacy.

The import of social choice theory lies in its examination of the various choice rules available for the recording and weighing of preferences in an election and the consequences of those rules for democratic political life. A choice rule is a method for aggregating individual preferences into a collective determination. Choice rules vary in their capacities to maximize (and minimize) various values desired in a system of decision-making. They also vary in their capacities to reveal information about preferences.

Labelling resettlement programs as voluntary suggests that they cause little contention and are devoid of coercion. But is this representation accurate? Drawing on unpublished government documents and media reports, we provide a detailed case study of the Community Relocation Policy (CRP) of Newfoundland and Labrador (NL) from 2009 to the present. We show that CRP has been fraught with contention due to the nature of the voting process and the slow and uncertain nature of the community-oriented consultative process. This article highlights the ways in which coercion has emerged from within the very communities considering resettlement, in addition to any coercion that might come from government officials.

The political use of political science

Political scientists claim for science and for themselves, as scholars, a maximum of independence in their dealings with government and Parliament. At the same time, science finds itself so inextricably bound up with the actual political process that it has become an “establishment” as strong and formidable as religion was in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Liberal political scientists put themselves into a contradictory position when they demand for themselves, in the pursuit of their task as scholars, a political status which would protect them from the scrutiny of the elected representatives of the people, a condition which, they would refuse to grant to any other social group, and yet simultaneously in their teaching and writing set themselves up as the ardent defenders of representative and responsible democracy. What must one sacrifice, science or democratic responsibility? Is it necessary to aim at excluding science from the democratic process, at the risk of seeing our society regress towards a pre-industrial age, or should one regard representative and responsible democracy as relevant to questions of minor importance while significant issues which concern the present and future of society are to be dealt with by other political methods?

Since the #MeToo movement, several countries have taken steps to address sexual harassment in politics (for example, the United States, United Kingdom and Canada). While researchers have evaluated the electability of candidates accused of sexual harassment, less is known about what the public thinks should happen when elected officials engage in this behaviour. Utilizing an innovative module from the 2019 Canadian Election Study, we assess the steps voters believe legislatures should take when an MP sexually harasses someone. Our results demonstrate that a vast majority of the public believes that MPs should face consequences when they commit sexual harassment, including potential removal from office. We also find that women are more likely than men to believe MPs should be punished when they are accused of sexual harassment. These findings have relevance for legislatures globally, revealing the importance of transparent, independent processes to address harassment and violence in the political sphere.

This article analyzes the principal features of industrial policy in the post-war advanced capitalist economies. Industrial policy is defined as a series of discriminatory measures developed by the state to promote industrial growth. Four main directions are outlined: increased financial aid to replace tariff protection; preference accorded to the more concentrated industries, particularly those related to, or in association with, national defense; new interest in the development of peripheral regions; and priority accorded to large corporations.

A number of explanations are proposed for each of these main policies. The common thread running through them is the process of internationalization of production and trade liberalization. These lead each national economy to redefine its role in the global system. The analysis also underlines the ambivalent position of the state vis-à-vis a free market. Capitalist states rely upon the market to assure economic growth. The growth, nevertheless, is accompanied by regional and sectoral disequilibria which can reduce the political legitimacy of the state. This is why the state seeks to regulate growth, with a minimum of social conflict. State intervention is not designed solely to promote the interests of a class of large capitalists, but corresponds at the same time to the logic of capitalist accumulation and the requirements of political legitimacy.

The paper delineates the role of reporters in the coverage of governmental activities. The sources of news and their evaluation are emphasized. The paper investigates the mutual dependence of government officials and correspondents, the channels of information preferred by the latter, the manner in which they seek news, and their evaluation of the collaboration of government officials.

After interviewing most of the reporters of the Quebec government “galerie de la presse” during 1968–9, the author indicates that the correspondents prefer informal ways of uncovering news and do not think highly of information officers. In general, they look for partisan information rather than a formal presentation of administrative activities, and controversial subjects particularly are considered to be of special interest. In all, the role of the reporters may be more passive than active, but “their presence serves as a constant guarantee of responsible public information.”

This study challenges the claim that foreign-owned firms do not differ significantly from Canadian-owned firms with respect to political donations. Tests for association and correlation show that overall, foreign-owned firms are significantly less inclined to contribute money to Canadian parties. Behaviour varies according to nationality, so that British firms are most likely to contribute, followed by Canadian and then American companies. Japanese firms are least likely to contribute.