The pictures on pp. 230, 231 (Figs. 1, 2) are taken from a red-figured amphora of Panathenaic shape in the Louvre (G 61). They are more curious than comely, but if devoid of merit they are not devoid of interest. Let us put them beside the pictures on p. 233 (Figs. 3, 4), which come from a vase in Count Stroganoff's collection. The lower part of the dress and the sandalled feet are almost line for line the same in both vases; the altars are the same except in one small detail: notice carefully the sleeve in Fig. 1, and compare it with the sleeve in Fig. 4. Other resemblances will strike the eye, but it will be enough to mention one: is there not something odd about the perpendicular fold-lines on the chiton in Fig. 4? in archaic drawing, perpendicular folds go right on until they meet a transverse line; but here they stop of their own accord at Athena's waist: now the grouped folds on the sleeve of Fig. 2 behave in the same obstinate way.

The Louvre vase G 61 has a pendant in the Louvre vase G 60, which is figured by Pottier in his Album, Pl. 95. The subjects are similar: on A of G 61, Athena bending at an altar, holding a spear and a flower; on A of G 62, Athena bending at an altar, holding a wreath and a spray of smilax; on B of G 61, a woman worshipper at an altar, holding a smilax spray; on B of G 60, a man worshipper at an altar, holding a phiale.

In the summer of 1972, while participating in the excavation of the Royal Road South at Knossos under the direction of Professor Peter Warren now at Bristol University, I undertook a limited examination of certain boxes in the Stratigraphical Museum in the reasonable hope of supplementing John Betts's earlier discovery of five sealstones and sixty-six sealings that could be related to the Palace. The boxes I examined all carry the label of ‘Evans's Personal Property’, and contain an extraordinary number of faience, clay, and stone objects, all with provenance unknown, but many, if not all, surely from Evans's own excavations. The box containing the seals was marked ‘Box 1878, Evans's Material’.

Since Schliemann's earliest excavations almost seventy years ago the problem of dating the successive layers of remains at Troy has constantly engaged the serious attention of the interested archaeological world. At first it was hardly more than a subject for speculation, since in the early ‘seventies’ little comparative material was available from other sites and the internal evidence was insufficient for safe chronological conclusions. Schliemann himself thought that the ‘burnt layer,’ first called Troy III, and later equated with the final phase of Troy II, represented the ruins of the citadel of Priam; but his discovery in 1890, at a much higher level in a stratum of Troy VI, of considerable numbers of Mycenaean potsherds made a revision of this dating imperative. It was, however, left to Professor Dörpfeld, after Schliemann's death, to ascertain definitely in two further campaigns of excavation, in 1893 and 1894, that the Sixth and the Seventh layers were those of settlements coeval with the Mycenaean Age, and that they could therefore safely be assigned to the second half of the second millenium B.C. Professor Dörpfeld also put forward the view, which met with general acceptance, that Troy VI was the Homeric stronghold besieged and captured by the Achaeans under the leadership of their sovereign Agamemnon.

A series of inscriptions, most of which are unfortunately in a very fragmentary condition, records the victories won by teams of Spartan ballplayers. As two of these have not yet been published while the others have never been grouped together, my present object is to collect the texts in question, restoring them as far as possible, and to add a short statement of the main facts which we can gather from them regarding the contest referred to.

Three vase-groups, largely drawn from material found in the Purification Trench on Rheneia and published in Délos 15 and 17, are discussed in this paper. The first belongs to the Late Geometric period while the other two are to be placed in the first half of the seventh century BC. All three may be linked in sequence and together illustrate a pottery tradition which is likely to be Parian. Evidence is presented linking the Attic Würzburg Group with a Cycladic artist here identified as the Ad Painter and located on Paros.

The control groups used in the earlier analysis (BSA 75 (1980) 151–61) have been enlarged. The range of suspected imports was extended with samples from Cyprus and Crete. It is concluded, as a result, that the majority of exports did originate in Euboea, though it is not possible to distinguish between kilns at Lefkandi, Chalkis, and Eretria. No conclusions were possible in the case of six sherds from Knossos. The results demonstrate early Euboean maritime enterprise.

1. Edessa. This inscription is still where Leake first reported it, in the courtyard of the Metropolitan Church, the Dormition of the Virgin, built into the south end of the west wall of the Γραφεῖον of the Δεσπότης. Although it has been published half a dozen times, the text has never been read correctly in its entirety, largely because its height from the ground makes the taking of a photograph or the making of a squeeze, let alone a study of the letters, very difficult. I was fortunate to be able to examine it in situ, and the accompanying photograph of a squeeze will facilitate the establishment of the text (Plate 5).

It is a rough block, c. 0·46 m. in height and 0·50 m. in width, with a moulding all round, the first line being engraved on the upper moulding. The letters are irregular, measuring on an average 0·025 m. in ll. 1–6 and 0·01 m. in ll. 7–18. The letter-forms, especially important in a dated inscription, are noteworthy. Alpha, delta, and lambda have short tails on the apex; in ll. 1–6 epsilon is square, in ll. 7–18 lunar; similarly in ll. 1–6 sigma is square, in ll. 7–18 lunar. The forms of mu and omega are to be noted; see the accompanying photograph. There are no ligatures.

This report describes the excavation of two pits which had been dug into the natural rock, apparently in connection with the storage and perhaps original manufacture of plaster, in the space named after them the ‘Room of the Plaster Pits’. The pits were filled and covered in LM II, and the evidence for their date helps to bring the history of this part of the palace into clearer focus. The Room of the Plaster Pits may be the same as the elusive Lapidary's Workshop described by Evans in his Knossos report for 1901. It is suggested that the lack of observed floors or blocking walls in doorways separating deposits in this area makes it difficult to divide the vases assigned to LM III B here from tablets and seal impressions involved in the final destruction of the palace.

Unstratified finds from prehistoric sites are not without value, provided that something is known of their place of origin. Lacking a pedigree, they still have, as it were, a passport; and any of them that belongs to a civilisation inadequately represented in this country deserves a welcome. I have, therefore, taken this opportunity of introducing a group of early West Anatolian vases which has for many years been in the Fitzwilliam Museum at Cambridge; the moment is appropriate, for, had they been published sooner, when their home was more unfamiliar to us than it is now, they would have been less informing; while to delay their presentation might involve their eclipse by rivals with fuller credentials.

Among the most interesting discoveries of the post-war years in Attica are a Late Geometric amphora and an impressed gold head-band; they are reported to have been found, the band inside the amphora, near Koropi in the Mesogaia, and were acquired together by Mrs. Helen Stathatou, who has graciously consented to my making them more widely known in this tribute to the master of Greek archaeology for whom both she and I have so high a regard. Each is a first-rate piece in itself, and the discovery of the two in one burial gives an added interest to the pair.

First, thanks to two kindly critics, some modifications have to be made in my discussion of Attic neuter plural demes (BSA 1 (1955) 13). I should have quoted Steph. Byz. s.v. Στειριὰ . . . θηλυκῶς καὶ οὐδετὲρως to illustrate the possibility of doubt between feminine singular and neuter plural. Note that the form Στειριὰνδε given in Meineke's text is an emendation for the MS. Στειριὰδε This last is clearly wrong, but Στειριὰδε is at least as possible an emendation. The other two τοπικὰ, Στειριᾶθεν and Στειριοὶ point different ways. Since we do not know where Stephanus found them, nothing useful can be said.

The allied forces landed at Salonika early in October 1915. For the first few months, which included the great retreat from Serbia, the military situation was too critical for much attention to be given to antiquities. But towards the end of the year the army of occupation settled down on its defensive lines in the neighbourhood of the town, which ran approximately from the river Galiko, near Naresh, to the sea at Stavros (PI. I.); and as trenches, gun emplacements, and dug-outs were constructed all along these lines, it soon became obvious that there were chances of interesting and valuable discoveries. In particular, the numerous mounds which are familiar to Macedonian archaeologists lent themselves readily to military purposes. I accordingly made a representation to Col. Cunliffe Owen, who was acting as Military Intelligence Officer, and a note was issued in General Orders about the end of December, ordering that all antiquities found should be reported to Headquarters, in order that they should, as soon as possible, be inspected, and, if necessary, taken over by me.

This article is a continuation of that published in BSA lvii. 46–74, and the same principles have been followed in editing the present series of fragments. The three sections deal with the tablets found during excavations at Knossos in 1961, two small fragments preserved in the British Museum but hitherto unrecorded, and a collection of pieces in Iraklion which had previously been overlooked or thought unworthy of publication. The new numbers assigned run from 8210 to 8332.

The system of transcription has been slightly modified to conform to the latest version of the ‘Wingspread Convention’ dated 1962 and published by Professor E. L. Bennett as a supplement to Nestor. The use of hyphens between groups of letters representing Mycenaean signs has been continued, as allowing in some cases a more accurate account to be given of the state of the text. The expansions of the abbreviated names of the ideograms will be found in the index of ideographic signs on p. 88. The comma has been used as the transcription of the word-divider, as it seems inadequate, especially in fragmentary texts, to leave it to be inferred merely from the spacing.

The publication of Sheila Adam's lively and closely argued study of the technique of Greek sculpture has aroused considerable controversy; not the least disputed of her views was that the running drill, ‘the only major technical change which occurs in Greek sculpture of the Classical Period’, was not introduced until the second quarter of the fourth century B.C., a full seventy years or more after Blümel's date for its invention. Although such examination as I have been able to make of extant Greek originals from this period suggests to me that Adam was correct in concluding that the tool was not in general use until after c. 370, there does seem to be some evidence that sculptors were experimenting with it for about twenty to thirty years beforehand.

Amari is the district of Crete which lies south-west of Mount Ida. It is a hill-district, consisting mainly of the slopes of Ida and Kedros, which with its craggy sides and hundred springs is no unworthy rival to Ida. Between the two mountains lies the valley of the river Platys. Amari forms an eparchy, with thirty-nine villages, but no large centre of population. The villagers, farmers and shepherds, are an old-fashioned folk; they still maintain many of their traditional customs, dispense an open-handed hospitality, and have more than their share of the war-like virtues of the Cretans.

The following notes were made by us on a short journey in Pamphylia during March 1911.It had been our intention on reaching Adalia about the middle of the month to go at once into Lycia, but the lateness of the season made the higher ground impossible, and it seemed better to spend a short time in examining the country in the immediate neighbourhood of Adalia, much of which was still imperfectly known (Fig. 1).

The best description of the Pamphylian plain is that given by Lanckoronski. From the Kestros to the Melas stretches a low-lying, swampy plain, traversed by three great rivers which come down from the Pisidian highlands, feverish in summer, and during the winter months impossible for wheeled traffic. To the west of the Kestros rises a rocky plateau of travertine some hundred feet above sea-level, on which stands the town of Adalia (Attaleia) on cliffs above the sea, which diminish towards the west. To the north of Adalia rises a third level, which viewed from the south, resembles a high raised beach, running roughly parallel with the present coast as far as the village of Barsak. To the east of that point the hills turn in a north-easterly direction and sink gradually down towards the Kestros. The western part of the plateau is crossed by two main roads, leading respectively to Istanoz and Buldur.

The excavations of R. H. Lang at the Temple of Apollo in Idalion in 1868 produced the largest number of Cypro-Archaic anthropomorphic bronze statuettes so far known from a single site in Cyprus. These are published here, many for the first time, and set within the context of similar material from the island, the Levant, and the Greek world.

In a note on the Argive festival of the Hybristika I mentioned the diviners of Skythia as examples of that strange phenomenon familiar among many savage peoples, the magician who dresses as a woman. As the θήλεα νοῦσος has been somewhat of a crux to Herodotean scholars, I may perhaps be allowed to develop the point a little more at length.

It has usually been suggested that the θήλεα νοῦσος must be explained either as a vice, or as a bodily disease, or as a mental affliction. None of these theories, however, accounts for all the features of the evidence which we possess, and can only be tortured into conformity by the Procrustean ingenuity of the scholar. Those, for example, who explain the θήλεα νοῦσος as a vice, have further to show why those who are afflicted with it form a definite class, why they are connected especially with Askalon, and why they are magicians.