New evidence of Roman tomb architecture from the necropolis at Ariassos in Pisidia demonstrates distinctive features of funerary architecture in the east. Over fifty built tombs are in different states of preservation, allowing identification of some features paralleled at other sites in Pisidia, while some features seem unique to Ariassos itself. The similarity of form of one elaborate tomb to the western podium temple reflects the influence of Roman religious architecture, while other tombs reflect features grown out of indigenous Anatolian traditions.

Ariassos was founded in the Hellenistic period, and is located c. 50 km. north of the modern city of Antalya. It minted coins in the late Hellenistic period and contains buildings of Hellenistic date, including a prytaneion, bouleuterion and small temple. The majority of the ruins at the site, however, date to the Imperial period, including an extensive nymphaeum and bath complex, a triple arched gateway dating to the third century A.D., and a substantial domestic area. The site was visited in the 1880s by the Austrian team headed by K. Lanckoronski, who thought that the ruins were those of the site of Cretopolis. A few years later the site was correctly identified by a French epigraphical expedition headed by V. Bérard. The Pisidian Survey project, under British directorship, completed a new city plan, focusing attention on Ariassos after years of neglect. [See Fig. 1.]

Volume XXII of Anatolian Studies which was dedicated to Prof. S. Lloyd contains (in pp. 87–114) a detailed study by J. D. Hawkins of the Hittite hieroglyphic monumental inscriptions and stone monuments from the area of the Lower Palace in Carchemish. It seems needless to stress the importance of this study which presents a reliable and up to date reading of the inscriptions. The data gathered from them can now be better used in attempts to solve the complex problems of the chronology and arrangement of the associated monuments. This was done by Hawkins who on the basis of the inscriptional evidence came to various conclusions concerning the monuments of the Long Wall of Sculpture and the Great Staircase. Some of his conclusions form the subject of this rejoinder.

The extent to which Hittite has preserved Indo-European ablaut patterns has always been a matter for debate. Variations in the vowel of the root occur in both the -mi and the -ḫi conjugations, although roots of the shape TeRT- have eliminated vocalic variation altogether, and certain other verbs, such as pai- “go” have similarly only one form of the root. In those roots which end in a single consonant and show variation in the root vowel several types may be distinguished. In the -mi conjugation the type represented by 3 sg. ku-en-zi, 3 pl. ku-na-an-zi or 3 sg. ku-e-ir-zi, 3 pl. ku-ra-an-zi has always been recognized as reflecting inherited e/zero alternation, as seen also in Sanskrit 3 sg. hánti, 3 pl. ghnánti. This type presents no difficulties from the comparative point of view except for the appearance of the e-grade of the root in some persons where zero grade might have been expected, as in the preterite plural and 2 pl. imperative, which is identical in form with the 2 pl. indicative of the preterite.

The first fragments of the Epicurean inscription of Diogenes of Oenoanda were discovered by M. Holleaux and P. Paris one hundred years ago, in December 1884, and it is particularly satisfying to be able to mark the centenary of this significant event by publishing three new fragments of Diogenes' work.

The fragments were discovered by members of a British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara team, which spent two weeks at Oenoanda in the summer of 1983 (17th–31st August) carrying forward the epigraphical and topographical survey of the site begun in 1974–7 and continued in 1981.

The members of the team were A. S. Hall (Director), J. J. Coulton, A. Farrington and R. R. R. Smith. The representative of the Turkish Government was Bay İbrahim Malkoç. A heavy debt of gratitude is owed, and warmly acknowledged, to the Directorate-General of Antiquities and Museums of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism in Ankara, from which the permit was derived.

A Babylonian text from Sultantepe published by Professor Gurney in 1964 noted that the age of seventy marked a “long life” though it goes on to list eighty as “old age” (šībūtu) and ninety as “extreme old age” (littūtum). In congratulating my teacher and colleague on his long life of scholarship this contribution carries with it best wishes for his continuing work as ana labīrūti illak. Having been with Professor Seton Lloyd at Sultantepe on the day in 1951 when the site was first surveyed and chosen as full of promise it would seem appropriate to offer here a text which virtually completes the first tablet of the poem of the Righteous Sufferer (ludlul bēl nēmeqi). In 1954 Professor Gurney made available, in conjunction with W. G. Lambert, a new text from Sultantepe which marked a notable advance on our hitherto scanty knowledge of that tablet. Subsequently Professor Lambert published the first part of the hymn of praise to the god Marduk (ll. 1–12) with which this classical poem opens.

Leon de Laborde's visit to Alahan in 1826 provided the earliest western account of the monastery complex that is now so closely associated with the work of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara through the excavations conducted by Michael Gough. Laborde was not, however, the first of the modern visitors. He was preceded by the indefatigable Evliya Çelebi, who visited the site in 1671–1672, while on his way to Mecca for the pilgrimage. Evliya followed more or less the course of the modern highway from Karaman to Mut, and I give below the full account of his journey between these two stations. Of the two primary authorities for the text, I have used MS. Pertev Pş 462, f. 68a as my chief source, with supplements from MS. Beşir Aǧa 452, f. 68a (a fuller, but less scrupulous, and on the whole less intelligent copy). The two copies vary more than is normally to be expected. The lost exemplar may have become increasingly unclear in the final two volumes, and the copyists were probably tiring of their monumental task. In the 1935 modernization of Seyahatname, Vol. IX, the passage occurs on pages 315–316.

Archaeological excavations were conducted at Alişar Höyük in central Turkey from 1927 to 1932 by the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. The six years of investigation uncovered evidence that indicated the mound had been occupied intermittently from at least the Early Bronze Age through the modern Turkish period. The premature cessation of excavations at the site, however, left many issues unresolved, a situation that has bedeviled Anatolian specialists up to the present day.

Foremost among the problems left unsettled by the Oriental Institute excavations was the question of whether a Late Bronze II settlement (1400–1200 B.C.) had existed at the site, an issue that was raised by the discovery at Alişar of cuneiform tablets written in the Old Assyrian script that referred to a town called Amkuwa, known also from Hittite texts as Ankuwa. On the basis of these references, scholars were quick to associate Amkuwa/Ankuwa with Alişar. The problem with this equation is that, on the one hand, a Hittite text dating to the reign of Hittite king Ḫattušili III makes it clear that Ankuwa was occupied in the LB II.

There are two well-defined varieties of the Cappadocian Symbol; one with bosses and one without. It is the first type that is considered here.

Apart from the presence or absence of the bosses there is a fairly well-defined difference in the curved members, Figs, 1, 2. Those with the bosses almost invariably curve upwards and inwards as if embracing the limb of the cross, while those without the bosses are so strongly recurved outwards as to double back on to the other limb of the cross, and perhaps were finally thought of as belonging to it.

The two types very rarely combine, but on one occasion we have a curious case where there are only four bosses inside the curves and the curves themselves are very strongly bent backwards in the manner of those without the bosses. On yet another occasion we have a case which again only has the four bosses within the curves, but here the latter have come completely apart from the cross and lie almost on the horizontal limbs, see Figs. 6, 7 infra. As will appear later on, these seem to provide a link between the two types, that with the bosses and that without.

In these notes are presented various trouvailles encountered by the writer in the course of other researches. Although disconnected and inconclusive, they may be of some use to students of Sinop and to those interested in the general subject of the collection of antiquities in the Levant. In general, well-known sources have not been discussed, except in so far as they afford comparison with the less familiar accounts dealt with here. A final note refers to the Jewish population of Sinop in the early Ottoman period in relation to travellers' accounts.

In antiquity, the status of Sinop as a port was well known. Arrian is almost alone in describing the town not as a harbour but only in relation to its being a Milesian colony and the founder of Trabzon (Baschmakoff 1948: 80–81, 94–95). Similarly, in the later middle ages and early modern times, references to Sinop were almost always in relation to its port. For some, the interest was urgent: it was a welcome refuge for Bishop Ignatios of Smolensk when in 1389 his vessel, coasting the Crimea, was driven to the southern Pontic shore. Adverse winds detained him there for two days (Majeska 1984: 86–89). He was more fortunate than Ibn Battuta, some 40 years earlier, whom bad weather had delayed there for 40 days (Ibn Battuta, translated by H. A. R. Gibb 1957: 141).

In AS. XIV, 1964, Michael Ballance published in “Derbe and Faustinopolis” not only the decisive evidence for the identification of Faustinopolis at Başmakçı but also a useful summary of the evidence for the Roman routes leading towards the Cilician Gates. In the same volume I published a prosopographical study of Aradius Paternus, a previously unknown governor of Cappadocia commemorated on a milestone of Severus Alexander (illustrated on Pl. XXIa) found at Soğukpınar, three miles south of the modern town of Pozantı. I present here the results of survey work done in the ilçe of Pozantı, in the summer of 1964, as part of a wider survey of Roman Cappadocia undertaken as Institute Scholar and with the benefit of a survey permit obtained for me by the General Directorate of Antiquities and Museums, Ankara.

In this contribution, 13 previously unpublished grave and votive monuments are analysed, plus two boundary markers. These monuments, housed in the museums of Mersin and Alanya in Cilicia in southern Asia Minor, are both artistic and epigraphic documents. Most of them were made in this region, but three were imported from Antioch-on-the-Orontes, Pisidia and the island of Delos, as can be deduced from their iconography. These new examples from Cilicia and eastern Pamphylia offer insights into the different concepts of μνῆμα or μνημεῖον (memorial) popular in Hellenistic and Roman times throughout Asia Minor.

This paper presents the results of an interdisciplinary study of Lydian pottery excavated at Daskyleion between 1988 and 2002. Before becoming the satrapal centre of Hellespontine Phrygia in the Achaemenid period, to judge by the historical and archaeological evidence, Daskyleion had close interrelations with the Lydian kingdom. Previous stylistic and macroscopic fabric studies of Lydian pottery from Daskyleion have shown that as well as items produced in the Lydian capital of Sardis, ceramics may also have been imported from other production centres in the region of Greater Lydia (Gürtekin-Demir 2002). New chemical analysis by neutron activation (NAA) of 31 samples from Daskyleion presented here confirms this suggestion. We determined four chemical provenance groups of Lydian pottery, each of them defined by an element pattern which is distinct from the pottery made in Sardis. Although these four provenance groups cannot be located at present due to the lack of reference data from potential Lydian-style ceramic production centres in Anatolia, they prove that other production centres existed outside Sardis. Daskyleion may have been one of those.

In AS XXXVII (1987) 23–35 J. M. Wagstaff writes interestingly of “Colonel Leake and the Classical Topography of Asia Minor”.

Leake succeeded in identifying a large number of ancient sites in Asia Minor. Dr. Wagstaff is well aware of this and naturally enough does not make it his business to list them all. However, in view of current B.I.A.A. work at Oenoanda and Balbura in the Cibyratis, it seems worth pointing out, as a footnote to his article, that Leake was the first to identify both cities, although he never visited either of them. He identified them on the basis of epigraphical evidence collected in October 1841 by Richard Hoskyn, Master of H.M.S. Beacon, and the naturalist Edward Forbes, and his “Remarks on Mr. Hoskyn's Paper”, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society XII (1842) 162–9, may be added to Dr. Wagstaff's list of publications of the man whom Louis Robert justly described as “l'incarnation de la géographie du monde hellénique pendant la première partie du XIXe siècle”.

The following discussion begins with a study of a bronze bowl belonging to Monsieur George Ortiz, whose collection of ancient bronzes in Vandoeuvres/Geneva includes a large number of outstanding pieces of Near Eastern art. The bowl was recently acquired in the antiquities market and is said to come from modern Turkey. It is one of the finest and best preserved examples of a particular class of oriental metalwork in repoussé, the so-called Syro-Phoenician “bull-bowls”, which were most probably produced in the Levant in the early first millennium B.C. The main decoration of this class consists of concentric friezes of bovine animals in procession or similar sequence arranged around a central floral motif. The present paper will also examine a second, as yet unpublished, bowl kept in the British Museum.

In 1995 a new series of multi-disciplinary investigations were initiated by the authors into diachronic human occupation of the coastal plain at Altınova, between Ayvalık and Dikili on the Aegean coast of northwest Turkey (Fig. 1). Altınova lies approximately halfway between the much better-known (and certainly more intensively investigated) archaeological regions of Troy to the north and Bayraklı/Izmir to the south (Fig. 1). Through the plain flows the Madra Çay, and during the Holocene the river's depositional activity has created a large delta clearly visible on most maps as a projection outward into the Lesbos Channel (also known as the Mytilene/Midilli Strait), with the port of Mytilene and the marina of Thermi lying directly opposite (20 km. away) on the island of Lesbos (Fig. 1, Pl. XXII(a)). Altınova's iskele, located in a sand-spit which forms a natural marina, has developed into a modern holiday resort with 5 km. or more of holiday villas along its sandy beaches.