Founded in 1947 by a Catholic priest, Acción Cultural Popular (ACPO) was a pioneer in radio education. Offering a radio station (Radio Sutatenza), study manuals, and a newspaper, ACPO provided basic education and encouraged campesinos to seek personal development and to “vivir mejor”--to live better. From 1947 to 1994, it attracted over four million subscribers and became a model in 13 Latin American countries. In this article I show how ACPO's approach to rural development and communication style evolved between 1960 and 1980. As a consequence of technological, economic, and cultural developments, Radio Sutatenza, a station with a more or less captive audience of illiterate peasants, changed as it was forced to respond to rural Colombians’ shifting aspirations and competition from commercial radio. While the organization's founding principles remained constant throughout this period, its articulation of what it meant to “live better” changed over time, reflecting the struggles of a religious organization to remain relevant in a rapidly changing world. While ACPO saw itself as the bearer of modernity, it was often confronted by independent processes of change already occurring in rural communities.

The huasteca region in northeastern Mexico covers sections of the six states of Tamaulipas, Veracruz, San Luis Potosí, Hidalgo, Puebla, and Querétaro. Its boundaries are approximately the following: to the north the river Soto la Marina, known in the sixteenth century as the Rio de las Palmas; to the south the Rio Cazones; to the east the Gulf of Mexico and to the west the mountainous section of the eastern Sierra Madre.

The Christian conversion of the Huasteca began, no doubt, in 1518 with the expedition of Juan de Grijalva, who actually sailed as far north as Tuxpan and Tamiahua in the Huastec region of the state of Veracruz. John Diaz, a priest, accompanied this expedition. In 1519 Francisco de Garay, then in Jamaica, sent Alonso Alvarez de Pineda to Tampico and the Río Panuco, where he stayed some time and made contact with the Huastecs who belong to the great Maya family.

From the Early Days of the conquest of the River Plate up to our times, there have been numerous religious of the Order of St. Francis who have occupied episcopal sees in what is today the Argentine Republic, but not one of them has filled such glorious pages of the history of this country as Fray Fernando Trejo y Sanabria. Only one has come close to imitating his intense and extraordinary labors, and that was Fray Martín Ignacio de Loyola, Bishop of Asunción del Paraguay between 1602 and 1606, an epoch when all the Argentine coastland belonged to the Asunción Diocese.

The Regional Security provisions of the Rio Treaty of Mutual Assistance dealing with individual and collective defense, along with the structural and juridical reorganization of the inter-American system of Bogotá in 1948, constitute to a certain degree a return to Bolivarian political concepts of a Hispanic-American union or confederation. This was the dominant theme and leitmotiv of inter-American relations from 1830 to 1865. It is our purpose in this present study to present the attitude and position of Chile towards these expressions of hemisphere solidarity during this period of the mid-nineteenth century.

Essential to the study of the Mesta in New Spain is the publication of the text of its constitution, not too available in Spanish, in English dress. This document throws new light on the relation of government to the pastoral industry, up to the present a sadly neglected aspect of Spanish colonial history. The importance of the problem is evident in view of the wealth and extent of the sheep and cattle business, and its relationship to the whole economy of New World colonization. Any adequate study of the grazing industry in New Spain would be impossible without some knowledge of the Mesta constitution of 1537, the basic instrument which regulated this industry until 1574; in the latter year the constitution was changed by the addition of numerous amendments which indicate considerable growth in the pastoral industry. Unfortunately, the minutes of the semiannual meetings of the Mesta have not been uncovered, if indeed they exist at all. Such documents would provide a picture of the grazing industry in operation and would be useful in a more complete investigation of the subject.

In the wake of the Second Vatican Council, Mexican traditionalist Catholics mobilized in apparent unity against Catholic “progressivism” and the Left. Yet, they succumbed to their own internecine fights. This article examines the conflicts within Mexico's post-Cristero Right during the 1960s and 70s by tackling the ruptures and realignments surrounding the excommunication of Fr. Joaquín Sáenz Arriaga, a traditionalist Jesuit famed for attacking conciliar reforms and the legitimacy of Paul VI's papacy. I argue that the ensuing debates put into question the apparent coherence of conservatives in the face of social unrest after 1968, highlighting the long-standing entropy of right-wing Catholicism, as traditionalists clashed over matters of orthodoxy, Catholics’ historical relationship with the postrevolutionary state, and the contested memory of the Cristero War, which they used to legitimize their positions and define the terms of their traditionalism. Using anticommunism and anti-Semitism to wage their battles, these traditionalists occupied important spaces in the public sphere, contributed to Mexico's Cold War polarizations, and shaped the Mexican Right's international outlook. Their conflicts attest to the contentious plurality of the Mexican Right during this period, which invites further study to better understand how these actors situated themselves in a rapidly changing world.

After the first American doctoral dissertation related to Luso-Brazilian studies was completed in 1892, the output of dissertations in that area of scholarship grew slowly and unsteadily. In contrast, graduate student interest in Luso-Brazilian studies increased greatly during the twenty years after 1950. Students in British universities also contributed an increasing number of studies during the latter period (Table I). Unfortunately, few compilations of this accelerating scholarly production have been available to scholars interested in Luso-Brazilian studies.

Since the days of the Spanish conquest, Peru has been a predominantly Indian nation; today nearly half of the population is culturally Indian. Scholars and government officials for centuries have recognized the vital importance of integrating this human mass into the national life. Despite repeated efforts to alter the situation, however, the Indian population remains isolated economically, politically, and educationally.

Joaquim Nabuco (1849-1910) is known to most students of Brazilian history as an abolitionist, a member of the Second Reign's Liberal opposition and, perhaps, as the first Brazilian ambassador to the United States. Some of us, however, note that Nabuco was also an important spokesman for the monarchist reaction against the early Republic and an outstanding historian and apologist for the Monarchy. He thus suggests something of both the range, contradictions, and limits of elite political thought in the latter half of the nineteenth century.

This presentation will attempt to go beyond the commonplace solution to the apparent contradiction in Nabuco—his liberal monarchism—to suggest the nature of his socio-political assumptions as they evolved from his more radical youth to his rather conservative maturity. It will also attempt, as an integral part of this, to identify Nabuco's role in clarifying and promoting elite conservative social thought through the use and interpretation of Brazil's national history.

In Shakespeare’s play, Pericles, the leading character interrogates a woman whom he does not know is actually his daughter, Marina. In his excitement, King Pericles asks:

Whereupon Marina replies:

How ironic that Shakespeare’s Marina bears a resemblance to the well-known Aztec princess, Malinche, also known as Marina. For the researcher engaged in telling the history of Malinche, there exists an inherent case of mistaken identity in particular indices and annotations to documents that are relevant to her history—a mistake as perplexing and deceptive as if to “seem like lies disdained in the reporting,”