Jacques Durand's Édition Classique was born in response to a moment of national crisis when the French government banned the sale of ‘enemy’ publications. It gave Durand the chance to exploit a sudden and substantial gap in the market. The project was not unique despite initial hopes that publishers would work together to establish a single French edition of European classics. In the event, Durand's was one of several rival French editions that suddenly entered the musical marketplace. This study, based on extensive archival research, has shown the myriad ways in which it was distinctive and highly successful in remaining a viable collection of editions with numerous reprints well into the late twentieth century. The project was also both culturally and musically revealing about the war and post-war period as European nations asserted their musical priorities and institutions established mechanisms to protect and project their musical values, assets and markets.

Durand's achievement

Although the Édition Classique was not unique, Jacques Durand had influence as the head of the syndicate of publishers. He also had the most notable contemporary composers on his books, many of whom became editors of the Édition Classique: Saint-Saëns, Fauré, Debussy, Ravel, Dukas and Roussel. That some of them were his classmates at the Paris Conservatoire shows that he built on the network that his father had established before him. A number of these composers had previous experience of editing (Saint-Saëns, Dukas and even Debussy), but none could claim to be experts in this activity. Durand also included key teachers at the Conservatoire and prominent performers, all of whom ensured the dissemination and circulation of the edition for generations. While this gave the Édition Classique prominence, it did not protect some of his editors from criticism. Furthermore, due to wartime restraints and the urgency of replacing Peters and Breitkopf editions, few of the editors were able to consult original sources. There were exceptions of course, notably Debussy's scrutiny of Chopin manuscripts that belonged to Saint-Saëns, and Dukas's and Ropartz's consultation of the composers’ own editions for their Scarlatti and Handel volumes. The purpose was not to establish a scholarly edition, but to embed the Édition Classique within the musical marketplace as a reliable, cheap and easily available body of editions. Durand's policy of including prominent names shows that he had a keen eye for marketing and knew that recognisable names would improve sales.

Debussy's lifelong admiration for Chopin is well known. It was instilled by his first piano teacher, Mme Mauté, who claimed to have studied with Chopin, and then further stimulated under Antoine Marmontel's tutelage, while he was a student at the Paris Conservatoire. Scholars have observed the synergies between Debussy's distinctive piano writing and Chopin's style and have located that influence throughout his career, but particularly in the late Études (1915), which are dedicated to Chopin. They have mentioned too, often in passing, that Debussy edited Chopin's music for Durand's Édition Classique as he was working on his own Études. However, few people have really looked at Debussy's editions in detail to see who his models were and to what extent he followed any particular existing source, relying instead on the composer's sometimes outspoken comments in his letters and his prefaces. This chapter considers Debussy's ‘reading’ of Chopin as an editor, performer and composer and the extent to which his own ‘French’ sensibility and ‘accent’ are evident in his editions. It will place this personal musical affinity for Chopin within the wider context of the Polish-French composer's status in France, particularly during the First World War with the invasion of Warsaw in 1915. It also considers contemporary literary depictions of Chopin, writings to mark the centenary of his birth in 1910, Édouard Ganche's acclaimed biography of the composer in 1913 and wartime writings in which Chopin's dual Polish and French status takes on a poignant national and indeed transnational significance.

Chopin sources for Debussy's edition

The plethora of Chopin sources constitutes a complex topic in itself. Chopin authorities including John Rink, Christophe Grabowski, Jean-Jacques Eigeldinger and Roy Howat have shown that the composer produced multiple manuscripts of the same works, which resulted in first editions that were published in France, Germany and Britain containing tangible differences. Chopin frequently changed his mind about the precise details of a work, giving autograph manuscripts to his students, who became authorities on their maître after his premature death. As a result, the often-competing authority of numerous disciples has led to the establishment of different performing schools, further confounding the multiple texts in circulation.

As the popularity of K-pop has grown around the globe, the number and scope of K-pop studies have also expanded. While many have provided important insights into socioeconomic aspects of K-pop, the music itself has rarely been at the center of discussion. The purpose of this chapter is to help fill the gap by examining the sound of K-pop, focusing on its musical elements such as melody, rhythm, and instrumentation. This approach involves close listening and reading of select songs covering various stylistic genres and analyzing their sound using the language of music theory. By so doing, this study will identify and offer an understanding of common musical structures used in K-pop songs. Furthermore, the chapter attempts to respond to the question asked most frequently in the author’s K-pop class: How is K-pop different from popular music of the West? To that end, a comparative analysis is conducted between K-pop songs and Western pop music. Among the styles of songs examined are bubblegum popular music, ballads, and songs that quote Korean traditional music, the types of music that are most revealing in addressing the question of distinctiveness of K-pop songs.

Vibrant colors, swaggering idols, and enthralled arena. Constellations of fans who exude transformative energy that buoys the brilliance of the moment. Jovial melodies on heart-racing tracks. Hooks that rush straight to your memory. A shining light has been illuminating the K-pop stage since the dawn of the millennium. What started out as a local craze has now become a truly global phenomenon. The interest in various K-pop bands and their prolific performances has only intensified over the years. What magnetic forces are at work to elate the worldwide fan community and heighten the splendor of the constantly evolving scene called K-pop?

This chapter surveys various forms of identification with and consumption of K-pop idol celebrity and youth culture, from reactions on video logs to K-pop music videos, to theorize the particular forms of vicarious experience that bind K-pop idols to their fans and fans to each other. Vicarity relies on the ubiquitous reflexivity that defines social media platforms as sites of subject formation via media production and consumption. Social media participation constitutes an immersive, everyday form of meta-media, by which vicarious substitution through the consumption of vlogs/reactions induces acutely affective experiences of identification. Vicarious media seem to suggest a proxy for politics as an expression of collective sentiment – the ways in which media platforms bridge the private and the public through the increasingly complex arena of the social. Yet traditional modes of political organizing, remain recognizable in the activities of fan collectives. This chapter thus articulates how K-pop sheds light on the contradictory impulses for intense individuation – through the atomized personas overdetermined by social media and the vlog form – and the corresponding longing for ideals of collective agency and community that we see across multiple nodes of media consumption.

Intersecting critical dance studies and performance studies, this chapter examines K-pop dance as an emerging popular dance medium. It situates K-pop music video choreography within the genealogy of popular dance scholarship by closely reading select point choreographies of iconic K-pop idols over the past decade, such as BTS, BIGBANG, Seventeen, PSY, EXO, BLACKPINK, and TWICE. Styles of K-pop music video include schoolgirls and schoolboys, beast idols and bad girls, dance-centric, experimental, and hybrid. While these categories are preliminary and overlap with one another, the basic styles of choreography open room for discussion on racial and gender identity, hybridity, authenticity, and tourism in transnational contemporary Korean dance beyond the mediated screen.

The globalization of K-pop has spawned an inbound flow of tourists and shoppers to the country. As Korean popular culture functions as a window through which audiences come to know Korea, specific places have emerged as sites through which K-culture can be experienced. Beyond conventional tourist destinations, these sites are related to K-pop idols, such as music video shooting locations, cafés and restaurants that idols frequented, locales used as the background of album cover photos, shops that sell celebrity merchandise, K-pop agency buildings, even ordinary parks and bookstores that K-pop stars visited. Thus, “K-pop pilgrimage” has emerged as a new tourism trend, and Korean local governments and the tourist industry are busy creating, discovering, identifying, and publicizing K-pop-associated places. This chapter presents a detailed ethnography of K-pop tourism by ARMY, BTS’s fandom, and discusses how local municipalities and tourism agencies, which have discovered the market power of ARMY, actively promote BTS-themed destinations via social media. By combining the two analyses, this chapter examines the ways K-pop consumption is extended into urban places, thereby reconfiguring the tourist and urban landscapes in Korea.

As an industry situated between globalization and transnationalism, K-pop has become a “glocal” economic transaction that re-localizes the regional markets across Asia, Europe, and the Americas. Because K-pop’s glocal enterprise was made possible due to the internet via smartphones, social networks, and user-generated media, some scholars in Southeast Asia have noted K-pop’s major players as new forces of cultural imperialism. With Z-Pop Dream as a case study, this chapter explores how K-pop’s lesser known producers respond to such criticisms by experimenting beyond K-pop’s established system of idol production, consumption, and circulation. Part audition reality show and part idol management system, Z-Pop Dream is a multinational venture that recruits trainees in Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia, India, and the Philippines. Accordingly, its fan consumer base is also from the seven countries. Piggybacking on K-pop’s transnational success, Z-Pop Dream sells their business model as the next step to making K-pop more accessible to non-Korean fans, cover dancers, and trainees dreaming of becoming idols. Examining how Z-Pop Dream ’s new glocal business model informs, interacts with, or resists an established transnational rhetoric of K-pop, this chapter explores how its rhetoric of “One Asia” underscores the line between national and transnational.

K-pop agencies, or “entertainment companies,” are often described as “idol factories” or “boot camps” in which teenagers are selected to become K-pop idols, trained to acquire a set of skills and manners, evaluated regularly, and forced to conform regarding their looks, behavior, and relationships. The companies must acquire management skills for unexpected situations, such as idols’ dating scandals. In this chapter, the K-pop industry is seen not as a standardized culture built upon a Fordist business model of mass production but as a critical site where diverse social relations are created, negotiated, and contested. The industry sees the idol body as a profitable media text that is manageable, predictable, and available to any general audience. Nonetheless, the idol retains some degree of human agency. In an industry in which an idol body with agency become a volatile product through mediated presentations and representations, how do the companies produce idols at the most complete level? How do the idols cope with their multiple roles and the expectations placed upon them as producers, laborers, and commodities of intimacy? This chapter investigates the methods by which entertainment companies produce idols as incomplete commodities and intimate laborers through surveillance and regulation.

K-pop formations are believed to have drawn inspiration from Seo Taiji and Boys, who arrived in the early 1990s and became a cultural phenomenon before disbanding in 1996. They offered a unique blend of melodic tunes, heavy beats, short raps, and synchronized dance sequences that drew on hip hop, rock, and disco. They transformed Korean music and fashion and had a profound effect on young Koreans’ sense of identity and national pride. However, despite the band’s pioneering role, it did not provide a blueprint for the business model of K-pop today. Partly in response to the decline in record sales, today’s reliance on concert tours, marketing media, and talent shows developed later. But the formulas themselves are not entirely new to Korean pop music. This chapter explores talent shows organized in the 1930s and 1940s. Although the conditions of pop music were different then, the early prevalence of the shows demonstrates that public auditions, competition, and audience participation took root early on. Focusing on the symptomatic ethos, signs, and practices of neoliberalism, rather than retrofitting the neoliberal era to the 1930s, the author contends that the music industry recognized by then that neoliberal attributes can be a powerful marketing ploy.