To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Most recent scholars imply that the first critiques of the Requiem support their interpretation of the text as valid for all faiths. A thorough inspection of the literature through the composer's lifetime—almost thirty years of reviews and essays—proves otherwise. Indeed, the first commentators on the Requiem consistently read and heard it as a piece upholding common Christian beliefs. Testimony to the contrary is meager, unconvincing, or misunderstood. In this chapter I survey a wide range of early assessments of the Requiem text (evaluations of the music appear in chapter 5) written by anonymous journalists, significant critics, distinguished musicologists, and Protestant theologians. Several of them were friends of Brahms and early supporters of his music. Most writings clearly assume a Christian reading of the text, but those examined here make explicit pronouncements to that effect. Time and again these authors refer to distinctive Christian themes in the work as discussed in the previous chapter, including redemption, resurrection, praise of the creator, and heavenly blessedness. Remarkably, except for some of the performance reviews, most of the sources cited here have appeared in various bibliographies or studies about Brahms; therefore, they are not unknown, but they have not been given an adequate hearing. Normally a few well-chosen examples would be sufficient to corroborate a particular claim, but a larger selection will be presented here because of the revisionist nature of my argument. Only the reader who becomes convinced that this was the prevailing view of the work may begin to murmur about the profusion of evidence. Here I invoke the words of the eighteenth-century music theorist and composer Johann Mattheson as he provided numerous scriptural passages as proof for heavenly music to those who denied its existence: “Therefore it is necessary, where possible, to open their understanding with still more passages … in order that no one may complain that not enough was told him about this.”
When examining early reactions to the Requiem, it is important to acknowledge that not everyone's opinion must be valued or trusted equally. For example, a zealous follower of Wagner, under the spell of the music of the future, will more than likely find something to critique in the works of Brahms.
Most recent discussions of the Requiem emphasize what the text does not mean by denying a Christian interpretation, but an explanation of what we are supposed to understand in place of that usually remains absent. A synopsis of the Requiem text based on information supplied by current writings would read something like this:
We are promised comfort by an unknown being, but we do not know where it will come from or in what form it will appear, so we can only assume that it is a human source. In the midst of death, we are to be patient for the Lord's coming although we do not know who that is or what significance his appearance will have. The redeemed will rejoice, but we do not know how they will achieve that status. The souls of the righteous are in God's hand, yet we are not sure who that includes or why, so perhaps it includes everyone. More importantly, the statement is puzzling because we may not even believe that God exists or that our being possesses a soul. We anticipate the joy of a heavenly existence, but it is clearly not the heaven of the Bible, even though words from the Bible are used to describe it. We do not know who “Zebaoth” refers to, so it is permissible to ignore the name. We do know some of the meanings associated with Zion, but it is probably safest just to disregard them. (Brahms obviously included words that are not that important to the work's meaning.) We are told to rejoice because death will be swallowed up in victory, although we know not how this is possible or who is responsible. There will be a resurrection of the dead, but it is certainly not the same one attributed to Christ's own death and resurrection, since his name is never mentioned. In heaven we will sing praises to the creator of everything, although we may believe that the universe is the result of pure cosmic happenstance. Those who die in the Lord will be blessed, even though the identity of this Lord remains a mystery.
This may strike some as an extreme parody, but I consider it an accurate summation of recent scholarship on the Requiem.
Notwithstanding the evidence already submitted, the most important hermeneutical guide to the Requiem for the informed listener is the music itself. As Jonathan Bellman contends, “for purposes of telling a story, delivering a message, or making a point, the choice of musical idiom has to be considered the most immediately striking and significant choice a composer can make.” Bellman asserts that “there was no ‘public-domain’ musical style over which [Brahms] had less than absolute command.” With a variety of styles under his authority, Brahms set his Requiem text sympathetically, convincingly, dramatically, and, above all, with an earnest devotion to sacred music traditions. Brahms is legendary as a student of the music of his German predecessors and for his dedication to sustaining and participating in that imposing heritage. To do so, he became, in the words of Charles Rosen, “the most learned composer in the history of music.” In examining what he calls Brahms's “allegiance to the tradition of Bach, Mozart, Haydn, and Beethoven,” J. Peter Burkholder explains: “Brahms's music embraces all he knew of previous European musical history within it, a summation that is both awesome in its scope and incomprehensible without an understanding of the past that is being evoked.” Indeed, just as an appreciation of the text of the Requiem is richer with knowledge of the Bible—its intertext—and its previous use by other composers, so does an appreciation of the work's musical message become more profound with a knowledge of the musical intertext of the Requiem, that is, the general musical traditions as well as individual musical works to which Brahms pays tribute in his work.
This chapter will consider the musical context of the Requiem as well as its appraisal by early writers. As throughout this study, the focus will be on the elements that encourage and validate a Christian interpretation of the work. After an opening section that evaluates general comments by early critics, Brahms's continuation of the German sacred music tradition will be examined in detail, primarily through his allusions to masterworks of his predecessors and his conscientious setting of the biblical text through traditional techniques.
In many discussions of Ein deutsches Requiem, the supposition for the interpretation is rarely delineated. Perhaps the writer assumes the reader will share the same strategies for scrutinizing the piece, or the amount of space needed to expound on the analytical procedure is simply unavailable. Because my view of the work is so uncommon, it is vital that every step of my reasoning process be articulated. Since readers and listeners with diverse practices for establishing a reading of a work will likely arrive at varied conclusions, explicitly stating one's premises can make scholarly conversations more profitable.
This opening chapter, then, attempts to demarcate the rationale for my evaluation of the Requiem's text. I access a variety of literary theories and examine other scholars’ methodologies concerning the work, suggesting where they seem to go awry or employ inconsistent tactics. I also explore Brahms's approach to some of his other choral works and the responses of early audiences and critics as well as modern scholars, who seem to apply a different set of principles to the Requiem. The biblical knowledge of those who heard the Requiem in its early performances will also be taken into account. Finally, a first look at Brahms's selection of biblical texts explains how it provides interpretive clues for listeners. Altogether, this survey will support the logic for using the biblical context of the Requiem's text as an elemental factor in understanding the work.
Authorial Intent
One possible rationalization for the seemingly undisputed view of the Requiem's so-called universality of religious expression is that most current scholars have endeavored to determine what the text meant to Brahms and, as a corollary, what it should therefore mean to us today. This tack is understandable for studying the music of Brahms, who, like most composers, carefully chose texts that resonated with him for a particular, if not always discernible, reason. Indeed, intriguing connections between Brahms's texts and his personal life have been revealed—what Carol Hess has called “autobiographical allusion” and John Daverio “autobiographical overtones”—in such works as Rinaldo (1863–68), the Alto Rhapsody (1869), and the Schicksalslied (1868–71), all completed shortly after the Requiem.
The published correspondence between Brahms and Karl Reinthaler includes seventy-seven letters, only two of which are from Reinthaler to Brahms. Styra Avins includes eight of Brahms's letters to Reinthaler in her magisterial collection of the composer's correspondence. Reinthaler's first surviving letter to Brahms (October 5, 1867) is a response to Brahms's request to return the manuscript of the Requiem, which their mutual friend Albert Dietrich had loaned to Reinthaler with the idea of facilitating a Bremen premiere. The letter has selectively been quoted by scholars focusing on the conductor's concern about the doctrinal suitability of the text for a church performance on Good Friday, an issue treated in the preceding chapter. The complete letter appears here for the first time in an English translation to allow readers to make their own judgment. Brahms's reply to this letter appears complete in Avins's collection.
Karl Reinthaler, Letter to Brahms
Bremen, October 5, 1867
Enclosed, dear sir, I return to you in your “German Requiem” a treasure that I have kept in my house longer than I was probably entitled to considering the underlying circumstances. My friend Dietrich, who knows how much I take an interest in your creations, sent it to me at my request and came himself; he told me that he believes you would not object if I wanted to produce a performance of the work in the Bremen cathedral, of course, if possible, with you personally and if you would consider it most appropriate.
I read through the work with the highest interest, and it has touched my soul in the deepest way. For a performance here only the beautiful cathedral seems to me the appropriate place; and for this winter we have nothing but Good Friday available (unless we had arranged a special concert). I looked at your “Requiem” with that in mind and, forgive me, the thought came to me whether an extension of the work would not be possible that would bring it closer to a Good Friday performance; such an extension, it seems to me, is consistent with the concept of the work itself.
He had a different intention; he wanted to create a “human Requiem.” It should not be a German or even Protestant counterpart to the Latin Requiem, but stand above all religions, confessions, and worldviews. Brahms attempts to find a basic statement about suffering, death, and resurrection that has validity for all people.
—Hanns Christian Stekel, Sehnsucht und Distanz, 165.
The texts are striking for avoiding altogether the notion of redemption through Christ, who is not mentioned at all. The religious sentiment is thus more universal—Brahms said it could be called a “human” requiem—than denominational.
—George S. Bozarth and Walter Frisch, “Brahms, Johannes: 10. Choral Works,” in Grove Music Online.
The language is theistic, but at no point … is it explicitly Christian (any more than are Brahms's other vocal works to biblical compilationtexts). It was not the first requiem in German … but it was the first in which a composer had selected and shaped his text, for essentially personal resonances, to speak to a contemporary audience in a shared tongue, transcending the constraints of ritual: a prophetic sermon from individual experience, with universal application.
—Malcolm MacDonald, Brahms, 196.
The redemptive death and resurrection of Christ, the central beliefs of Christianity, especially in regard to the deceased, indeed even the very name of Christ remain unmentioned, and we know that this was not done unintentionally.
—Winfried Kirsch, “Religiöse und liturgische Aspekte bei Brahms und Bruckner,” 148.
Brahms … was a humanist and an agnostic, and his requiem was going to express that… . He fashioned an inwardly spiritual work, full of echoes of religious music going back hundreds of years, yet there is no bowing to the altar or smell of incense in it. Even if the words come from the Bible, this was his response to death as a secular, skeptical, modern man.
The extensive journals of the dilettante English composer John Marsh, which cover the period 1752-1828, represent one of the most important musical and social documents of the times. Following the critically acclaimed Journals of John Marsh, Volume I, this second book takes the reader from Marsh's 50th birthday in June 1802 up to his death on 31 October 1828. During the first decade of this period, Marsh's extraordinary drive and enthusiasm for music making and organization showed little sign of abating. Even after his retirement as director of the Chichester subscription concerts, Marsh continued to observe musical and other events in London and the provinces with undiminished interest, providing invaluable insights into the great early 19th century musical festivals in such cities as Birmingham and York. Yet, as with the earlier volume, Marsh's endlessly enquiring mind is evident in the wide range of topics that continued to excite his interest, making this second volume an essential companion for all those interested in the dynamic social life of Regency and late-Georgian Britain. Corrected work lists of Marsh's musical and literary writings are included.
The music and dance of the Tokelau Islands was affected by the wave of modernization which swept the Pacific following the establishment of the Western powers in the 19th Century. Although remote and isolated these tiny islands were fully involved in the recreation of their traditional music and dance style to reflect the new ideologies and technology. Yet the new form also maintains a strong sense of local identity and the ebullience and vigor of Polynesian dance, music, drumming, singing and text composition. In this study the work of local composers and the social context of performance are acknowledged, the separate elements of music, dance and poetic text are considered as they are interrelated within this form, and the history and geographical spread of the fatele to other islands. Working in the islands and in New Zealand (where the majority of Tokelauans now live) Allan Thomas also charts his growing understanding of the dance and music through more than ten years of fieldwork showing the special features that this modern form presents within studies of traditional musics.
Sir Henry J. Wood (1869–1944), co-founder and chief conductor of the Proms for nearly half a century, is often noted for his championing of the leading composers of the day, including Richard Strauss, Debussy, Rachmaninov, Ravel and Vaughan Williams. Less known is Wood's pivotal role in advocating and performing the music of J. S. Bach, much of which, incredibly, was unknown in England at the turn of the twentieth century.
We acknowledge that you were one of the greatest composers of all time … but you didn't understand in the slightest how to write your own music.
(‘Acca’, Musical Times, 1935)
THE rediscovery of Bach's cantatas was a long process with its roots in the publication of the Bach-Gesellschaft editions. But yet again history proves that the publication of scores did not necessarily prompt performances, and premieres could be claimed well into the twentieth century. Records show that cantatas were programmed across the full spectrum of performance spaces, from private gatherings to public concerts and from church services to dramatised festivals.
Henry Wood programmed cantatas throughout his career, but with the constant features of a large orchestra at his disposal and concert-goers with an appetite for the orchestral sounds of the late nineteenth century, he prepared his own re-scored versions. In his quest to make Bach both accessible and exciting to new audiences, his approach divided contemporary opinion. Whereas Havergal Brian may have argued that a cantata sinfonia ‘modernized’ by Wood was ‘one of the most completely satisfying things yet experienced’, more general opinion of his treatment of the cantatas was not favourable. Writing in 1929, for example, the critic Frank Howes suggested:
He appears to think that all composers’ scoring ought to sound alike, viz., like Wagner played turgidly at that. He ruthlessly adds clarinets, doubles string parts with wind, adds trombones to Bach, and destroys all sense of lines in the contrapuntal type of scoring by sheer weight of redundant notes. Not only is it bad, it is wrong; not only is it wrong, it is unnecessary. Why, then, do it?
The simple answer is Wood's own conclusion: ‘transcriptions are not to everybody's taste’.
The total number of cantatas now catalogued in the Wood Archive surpasses previous estimates of Wood's activity, and it is evident that he owned the full collection published by the Bach-Gesellschaft. Many, but not all, of his own arrangements can be traced to Proms performances with dates of premieres noted on the score covers. However, Proms programmes (and those of other concerts elsewhere) record further cantatas for which neither scores nor parts survive, suggesting that they were either lost or hired from another library.
Bach's achievements are often supremely delightful … but they are not of any great historical importance.
(Hubert Parry, The Evolution of the Art of Music, 1893)
THE story of Bach at the Proms begins with their first patron Dr George Cathcart. When Henry Wood had accepted Robert Newman's offer to conduct the festival, he had not been able to contribute the required £2,000 to launch the first season. The answer was found in Cathcart, a wealthy, music-loving, Harley Street ear, nose, and throat surgeon whose patients included singers with vocal complaints, which is how he first came in contact with Wood. The two men developed a friendship, and Cathcart set specific conditions in return for his sponsorship. He insisted that Wood should be the sole conductor, and that the series should be performed at the lower French concert pitch (a′ = 439 at 68°F). Cathcart had previously worked with Wood on restoring the vocal health of singers and believed that the lower pitch would be medically advantageous. His stipulations led to a re-tuning of the Queen's Hall organ and the acquisition of new wind and brass instruments for the newly established QHO, in a rare example of orchestral standardisation. Cathcart's terms prompted a consistency of orchestral sound, especially in the wind section, but specifically for performances of Bach they also helped address the challenges of orchestral balance and moved the pitch closer to eighteenth-century norms.
To jump to the end of the story, in 1944 a tribute to Wood's Proms Jubilee was published entitled Sir Henry Wood: Fifty Years of the Proms. Its contributors included eminent musicians, artists, and commentators of the day, and it gave an account of the differing facets of his accomplishments at the Proms. The chapter ‘Queen's Hall was my Club’ by the philosopher Cyril Joad encapsulates the welcoming environment that Wood and Newman created for a fresh generation of concert-goers:
Sir Henry was the first to make concert-going fashionable, fashionable that is to say among a musically disinherited class, the class of clerks and students, so that to go to the Proms became, for many of us, ‘the thing to do’. Hitherto, concerts had for the many worn a somewhat formidable air. They were expensive, formal and stiff. What Sir Henry did was to take the starch out of concert-going, substituting a physical for a social ordeal.