This chapter extends the assignment-variable-based analysis of headed relative constructions in Chapter 6 to quantifier phrases with nonrelative complements. Crosslinguistic diachronic, morphological, and syntactic data are examined in support of a generalized D+XP analysis. Applications of the assignment-quantificational syntax/semantics for quantifier phrases include phenomena with “specificity,” contextual domain restriction, and distinctions between modifier (“free R”) readings and argument (“inherent R”) readings of genitives. The treatment of donkey pronouns in Chapter 6 is extended to bound-variable readings, reflexives, and other types of apparent non-c-command anaphora, such as with genitive binding and inverse linking. The account’s distinction between trace-binding and pronoun-binding is exploited in a speculative account of weak crossover.

This chapter is reserved for issues that surfaced in previous chapters but for some reason or other could not be discussed there in any detail. On the one hand, the chapter looks at the framework outlined in Chapter 2 from a wider perspective. It is argued that the presence of two contrasting mechanisms is suggestive of a dual process model of the kind described in work on discourse analysis, neurolinguistics, and social psychology. On the other hand, the chapter shows that whereas the pathways leading to grammaticalization are highly constrained, those leading to the rise of discourse markers are almost unlimited. Further topics discussed in the chapter concern the structure of constituent anchored discourse markers and the role played by imperative forms in the rise of discourse markers. Finally, the chapter also looks into the role of a more marginal category of discourse-structuring devices, namely that of fillers or "hesitation markers."

The development of discourse markers is commonly believed to be a language-internal process. In this chapter it is demonstrated, however, that new discourse markers quite commonly also arise in situations of language contact. A range of borrowing processes are discussed, showing in particular that the borrowing process may extend across countries and continents. The Spanish discourse marker entonces "then, therefore, thus," for example, spread from Europe to Central and South America, Africa, and the Pacific Ocean area.

This chapter develops an approach to questions as sets of possible answers, with answers now construed as sets of assignments (possibilities). Type-driven movement of the question operator introduces quantification over assignments. Compositional derivations are provided for various types of shifting phenomena, such as in yes/no questions, wh questions, “interrogative flip,” and conditional and correlative questions. Additional topics for discussion include D-linking and weak crossover with wh words; commonalities among interrogative, conditional, and correlative clauses; and comparisons among expressions analyzed as choice-function pronouns throughout the book (wh words, relative words, indefinites, anaphoric proforms, names).

This chapter summarizes the findings presented in the book. As demonstrated in the preceding chapters, the rise of discourse markers is the result of a more complex process involving two separate mechanisms, namely grammaticalization and cooptation. It is argued that the framework used in the book offers an explanation of why discourse markers have the grammatical properties they do.

In this chapter, the framework proposed in Chapter 2 is applied to the history of Japanese. The discourse markers studied are dakedo, demo, douride, ga, jijitsu, sate, and wake. The findings presented are in support of the hypothesis proposed in Section 1.5, according to which discourse markers are the joint product of two separate mechanisms, with each of the mechanisms accounting for specific properties of discourse markers.

This chapter introduces key elements of the basic syntax and semantics. Topics of discussion include the treatments of compositional semantic value, assignment functions and variables for assignments, pronouns and traces, and quantification in object language and metalanguage. A preliminary compositional semantic derivation is provided.

The contribution of our paper is thus twofold. First, it documents the phenomenon of the singulative operation in the Galilee dialect of Palestinian Arabic. Second, we show that the singulative operator is predictably constrained in what nouns it applies to, and that the output of the operation varies depending on the properties of the denotation of the input noun - whether it denote liquids, granular substances, solid matter or a collection of individuals. To the best of our knowledge, while the singulative operation is recognized as part of Modern Standard Arabic grammar as well in at least some dialects, this kind of systematic semantic mapping between denotation of the input and denotation of the output has not yet been carried out before.