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So [World War II] was in the atmosphere when my husband wrote the Third Symphony. The war was so ferocious, and what brought it about was even more ferocious.
—Gene Rochberg (2013)
If one were only to consider his professional achievements, the years 1956 to 1969 could easily qualify as the most productive of Rochberg's entire career. In addition to enjoying the positive critical reception of three major works—the Symphony no. 2 (1956), Contra Mortem et Tempus (1965), and Music for the Magic Theater (1965)—he also received two Guggenheim Fellowships a decade apart (1956 and 1966), was awarded the prestigious Naumberg Recording Award in 1961, and earned an academic position at the University of Pennsylvania that allowed him to devote more time to composing. Over the course of these thirteen years, Rochberg completed twenty-five works, including four major orchestral compositions, three works for small chamber orchestra, nine instrumental chamber works, five settings for vocalists, and four solo keyboard works, including the well-known Nach Bach (1966). It was a prolific period of accomplishment that would have been the envy of any young composer entering his prime.
Privately, however, his emotional world felt as if it were spiraling out of control. As he noted in his autobiography, the “war experience had etched itself deep into my soul, and afterward I lived with an ever-sharpening awareness of … the abyss I saw, in a world coming apart at the seams.” In 1956, directly after the completion of his Second Symphony, Rochberg struggled with a foreboding sense of doom that adversely impacted his ability to compose. The political state of the world—specifically the collapse of colonial power in Egypt—had made him fearful for Western culture and the positive cultural values he believed it espoused. “The West is breaking up. We are the last generations,” he lamented in his journal. “What an agony to live between music and the world. In music we order the conditions of the world. We free ourselves from bonds, from restraints the world imposes on us as humans.”
Reclaiming tonality was not that simple… . I could not give up my own direct heritage, which was that of a man [who] inherited the legacy of the giants of the time: Schoenberg, Stravinsky, Bartók. There are still aspects of their music … which I believe to be viable and valid.
—George Rochberg (1976)
In 1969, Rochberg assembled ideas drawn from his personal journals into the essay “No Center,” a quasi-poetic manifesto for a new aesthetic philosophy: ars combinatoria, or the art of combination. Therein, he advocated for a postmodern technique of assemblage and collage that would result in “a complex of attitudes and ideas … surrounded by a vague aura of association.” But Rochberg's philosophical conceit was more existential than the mere collection of objects and stylistic gestures into new musical contexts. In his mind, ars combinatoria was not a compositional technique or theory but an “exploration of deep inner space, mental space.” It promoted artistic expressions of human connection that reflected “a state of mind and soul against death and time” as well as “the survival of our inmost, immaterial essence.” At the core of his philosophy were the values of love and inclusivity, which manifested themselves in the repetition and embrace of the canonical repertory. As Rochberg described, “Everything we love belongs to us. That includes the past and the future. We are the present.” He continued: “360 degrees of past, present, future. All around me. I can look in any direction I want… . Inclusivity… . The liberation of the imagination … implies the freedom to move where the ear takes us and to bring together everything which seems good to it… . We can choose and create our own time.” The result was a rich multi-directionality limited only by one's imagination and aural reach.
While it has been suggested that Rochberg drew inspiration from the philosophical ideas of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, who wrote about an “art of combination” in his Dissertatio de arte combinatoria (1666), the composer actually seized on the term after reading Labyrinths (1962), a collection of writings by the Argentinian writer Jorge Luis Borges.
The Limits of Peacekeeping highlights the Australian government's peacekeeping efforts in Africa and the Americas from 1992 to 2005. Changing world power structures and increased international cooperation saw a boom in Australia's peacekeeping operations between 1991 and 1995. The initial optimism of this period proved to be misplaced, as the limits of the United Nations and the international community to resolve deep-seated problems became clear. There were also limits on how many missions a middle-sized country like Australia could support. Restricted by the size of the armed forces and financial and geographic constraints, peacekeeping was always a secondary task to ensuring the defence of Australia. Faith in the effectiveness of peacekeeping reduced significantly, and the election of the Howard Coalition Government in 1996 confined peacekeeping missions to the near region from 1996–2001. This volume is an authoritative and compelling history of Australia's changing attitudes towards peacekeeping.
Japan in the Asia-Pacific War years is usually remembered for economic deprivation, political repression, and cultural barrenness. Benjamin Uchiyama argues that although the war created the opportunity for the state to expand its control over society and mass culture, it also fractured Japanese people's sense of identity, spilling out through a cultural framework which is best understood as 'carnival war'. In this cultural history, we are introduced to five symbolic figures: the thrill-seeking reporter, the defiant munitions worker, the tragic soldier, the elusive movie star, and the glamorous youth aviator. Together they represent both the suppression and proliferation of cultural life in wartime Japan and demonstrate that 'carnival war' coexisted with total war to promote consumerist desire versus sacrifice, fantasy versus nightmare, and beauty versus horror. Ultimately, Uchiyama argues, this duality helped mobilize home front support for the war effort.
In May 1790, the French National Assembly renounced wars of conquest. Two years later, France declared war on Austria and invaded Belgium and the Rhineland, claiming it was to spread the benefits of the Revolution. Soon, however, military and economic crises drove a shift in the nature of France's war effort. What started as a war for liberty became a war for conquest, one that brought devastating exploitation to the Rhineland. It was during this time that French foreign policy became influenced by the idea of attaining the natural frontiers - the Alps, the Pyrenees, and, most significantly, the Rhine. Although often portrayed as a diplomatic tradition of the French monarchy, Jordan R. Hayworth shows how the natural frontiers policy was born during the Revolution. In addition, he examines the intense and consequential debates that arose over the policy, which caused much confusion in the war and helped to undermine France's democratic experiment.