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We build a two-country DSGE model of a monetary union to compare systematically the economic impact of a fiscal stimulus according to different features: domestic or European, public investment or public consumption, unfunded (thanks to grants) or debt-funded, on the core or periphery, and in normal or abnormal (post-ZLB) times. We highlight the importance of spillover wealth effects. Grants play a more important role when it comes to funding public consumption rather than investment, in contrast with the actual use of collective EU funds. A side result permits to assess the opportunity cost of accepting loans.
This paper explores the role of the cost channel in a behavioral New Keynesian model where households and firms have different degrees of cognitive discounting. Our findings are summarized as follows. First, we demonstrate how the degree of cognitive discounting significantly affects the determinacy condition through the cost channel model. Second, a high degree of cognitive discounting attenuates the response of inflation to a monetary tightening shock, and the cost channel amplifies this effect. Third, the degree of cognitive discounting significantly impacts the effect of the cost channel on the design of optimal monetary policy.
This paper studies the role of central bank communication for the monetary policy transmission mechanism using text analysis techniques. In doing so, we derive sentiment measures from European Central Bank (ECB)’s press conferences indicating a dovish or hawkish tone referring to interest rates, inflation, and unemployment. We provide strong evidence for predictability of our sentiments on interbank interest rates, even after controlling for actual policy rate changes. We also find that our sentiment indicators offer predictive power for professionals’ expectations, the disagreement among them, and their uncertainty regarding future inflation as well as future interest rates. Policy communication shocks identified through sign restrictions based on our sentiment measure also have significant effects on real outcomes. Overall, our findings highlight the importance of the tone of central bank communication for the transmission mechanism of monetary policy, but also indicate the necessity of refinements of the communication policies implemented by the ECB to better anchor inflation expectations at the target level and to reduce uncertainty regarding the future path of monetary policy.
We assess how an economy’s wealth distribution shapes its labor market dynamics. We do so in a quantitative job-ladder model featuring directed search, incomplete markets, aggregate shocks, and endogenous on-the-job human capital accumulation. Poorer workers apply for lower-wage jobs when unemployed and under-accumulate human capital when employed to self-insure against unemployment risk. In response to an aggregate downturn, poorer workers reduce their human capital accumulation, all else equal, while richer workers increase it. The wealth distribution therefore matters for the response of aggregate human capital. In the calibrated model, we show that a negative aggregate productivity shock leads to a persistent decline in aggregate human capital, and a more dispersed wealth distribution would amplify this decline.
In this paper, I propose a new method called the auxiliary state method (ASM) for solving highly nonlinear dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE) models with state variables that exhibit a non-elliptical ergodic distribution. The ASM method effectively avoids most improbable states that, while never visited, can create issues for numerical methods. I then demonstrate the ASM method by applying it to a model with highly asymmetric nominal rigidities, which are necessary to match the skewness of the U.S. inflation distribution. The ASM method can handle the high level of asymmetry, whereas the standard projection method cannot. Additionally, the ASM method is significantly faster than the standard projection method.
Incorporating environmental aspects in monetary and macroprudential policies poses a series of questions in terms of central banks’ effectiveness, independence, neutrality, and legitimacy. Most analyses of this matter rely on a purely economic approach, underestimating the trade-offs it entails and thus being biased in favor of central banks’ interventions. We develop a political-economy setting based on a Walsh contract, which can be interpreted as a memorandum that the government and central bank can implement. Through it, the former legitimizes, or pushes for, the intervention of the latter under the aegis of an elected authority. This setting eliminates the bias, unveiling the trade-offs that could result: accounting for and tackling climate risks could lead central banks to miss their policy targets, not necessarily making “brown” firms greener, and result in welfare distortions. Yet, thanks to this memorandum, the possibility of a green transition favored by the central bank is made possible. We conclude that central banks should keep a cautious stance when deciding to enter the climate arena, and that different evaluations of these risks can be interpreted as a reason why central banks around the world have adopted different degrees of climate interventionism.
The cross-sectional distribution of government debt is often approximated by a lognormal distribution. This note empirically demonstrates that government debt is more accurately characterized by the double Pareto-lognormal (dPLN) distribution, which features a lognormal body with two Pareto tails. The dPLN assuredly surpasses alternative parametric distributions and passes goodness-of-fit tests. With its analytical tractability, flexibility, and parsimony, coupled with a theoretical foundation, the dPLN may be appealing for different computational and empirical applications.
Technical progress is considered a key element in the fight against climate change. It may take the form of technological breakthroughs, that is, shocks that induce significant leaps in the stock of knowledge. We use an endogenous growth framework with directed technical change to analyze the climate impact of such shocks. Two production subsectors coexist: one subsector is fossil-based, using a non-renewable resource, and yields carbon emissions; the other subsector uses a clean, renewable resource. At a given date, the economy benefits from an exogenous technology shock. We fully characterize the general equilibrium and analyze how the shock modifies the economy’s trajectory. The overall effect on carbon emissions basically depends on the substitutability between the production subsectors, the initial state of the economy, and the nature and size of the shock. We notably show that green technology shocks induce higher short-term carbon emissions when the two subsectors are gross complements, but also in numerous cases when they are gross substitutes.
In a perfect market economy, the cost of raising another euro of tax revenue equals one. However, once distortionary taxes on goods and factors are introduced, the marginal cost of public funds, MCPF, typically deviates from one. Often it exceeds one, but one can also find cases where it falls short of one. This Element introduces the concept of the MCPF, sketches its history, and discusses a number of applications. It does this by undertaking economic evaluations of public sector projects involving a pure public good. An important distinction in the literature relates to where the government has access to lump-sum taxation versus where it must rely on changing a distortionary tax. These are often unit taxes or proportional taxes. Sometimes they are even introduced to alleviate a problem. An example is a tax on emissions of greenhouse gases. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
This paper adds to the literature on global inflation synchronization by distinguishing the traded and non-traded content of the consumption basket. Using a novel database of monthly CPI series of 40 countries from 2000, a dynamic factor model with stochastic volatility decomposes inflation into global, income-group, and idiosyncratic components. While synchronization has historically been prominent in tradable goods inflation, findings also reveal an increasing synchronization in non-tradable inflation. Second, I use a time-varying parameter vector autoregressive model to investigate the potential spillover effect. The results provide evidence of spillover from tradable to non-tradable inflation, while the reverse is mainly muted over the sample. Finally, results from local projections indicate that a tightening of US monetary policy causes a significant decline in global headline inflation, which is primarily driven by the heightened sensitivity of tradable goods.
How can organizations better achieve inclusion, equity, and superior performance from diversity? Decades of stalled progress require a wider range of policies. Applying a system thinking approach to a transdisciplinary synthesis of research findings, the authors' comprehensive framework guides inquiry and practice by identifying problematic dynamics. Comparative case studies reveal, in contrast, favorable dynamics of intergroup contact that result from an evolved elaboration of practices for inclusive interactions, socialization, and accountability. Over time, when promoted for mission attainment, applied to all members, and customized to the workgroup, the practices generate inclusion, equity, and superior performance.
Indians experience violence at twice the rate of any other racial group in the United States. Violence against Indian women is particularly severe; in fact, Congress stated the rate of violence against Indian women has become an “epidemic.” Aside from its prevalence, violence against Indians is unique because, unlike other racial groups, the majority of crimes committed against Indians are perpetrated by non-Indians. The high rate of crimes against Indians is attributable to Indian country’s peculiar jurisdictional rules. Most notably, tribes cannot prosecute non-Indians. This limitation is not a product of the 1700s or 1800s; rather, it is a result of the Supreme Court’s 1978 decision in Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe. Oliphant has been widely critiqued in legal scholarship, but it remains the law. Jurisdictional limitations are compounded by Indian country’s geographic isolation, meaning tribes rely on law enforcement agents that are often located more than 100 miles away. Not only are state and federal law enforcement far away; they have little incentive to prioritize Indian country crime. Consequently, criminals have been known to target reservations.
Tribes continue to endure constraints on their sovereignty because relatively few people understand what a tribe is. For example, most people believe tribes are a racial minority with special privileges, when in reality, tribes are separate, sovereign governments. This stems from a lack of knowledge about tribal history. Schools do not teach Indian history; hence, people do not learn about the history of tribal governance and treaties. Learning about Indian history can enrich the school curriculum and help people understand why tribes exist. Additionally, great tribal leaders, such as Chief Standing Bear, can inspire students to fight for justice. At the very least, law students should be taught federal Indian law. Tribes are part of the United States constitutional order. They influenced its structure and were vital to its ratification. Plus, ignorance of Indian law’s history enables outmoded, colonial ideology to continue as the basis of contemporary federal Indian law. Knowledge of Indian law’s outmoded concepts will raise questions about the ethics of relying on nineteenth-century stereotypes to limit tribal sovereignty in the twenty-first century.
France, Spain, and Great Britain all claimed footholds in North America by the 1700s. War arose between France and Great Britain, and it eventually transformed into a global conflict. Great Britain prevailed, transforming the political dynamics of North America. British colonists attempted to migrate farther west, but tribal resistance forced Britain to block the American colonists. The land-hungry American colonists declared independence from Great Britain. The United States of America prevailed. While the United States believed tribes were defeated by virtue of their alliance with Great Britain, tribes continued to assert their sovereignty.
There are 574 federally recognized tribes. Each has a direct government-to-government relationship with the United States, and each tribe is unique. However, not all legitimate tribes are federally recognized. Which tribes received federal recognition was often a matter of historical accident. To rectify this, the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) created the federal acknowledgment process in 1978. The process was intended to provide an objective and efficient means of identifying “real” tribes, but it has failed. The process often costs millions of dollars, takes decades, and produces unpredictable results. Moreover, the process’ seven mandatory criteria are subjective and often impractical. The Coushatta Tribe of Louisiana and United Houma Nation (UHN) are two examples. The BIA recognized the Coushatta in the 1930s, terminated them in the 1950s, and then re-recognized the tribe in the 1970s. While the Coushatta were deserving of recognition, the recognition was driven by the leadership of Ernest Sickey, the tribe’s inaugural chairman. Sickey strongly supported UHN federal recognition, and the BIA has acknowledged the Houma are Indians. However, the BIA has yet to recognize the UHN as an Indian tribe. Without recognition, the UHN has no sovereignty to protect its traditional lands or people.
To function as nations, tribes require territorial jurisdiction. That is, tribes must be able to determine the rules governing their lands and apply the rules to all persons on their land. Much of Indian country’s land is held in trust, and trust status is blamed for many of tribes’ economic woes. Trust land should be replaced with tribal property rights regimes. That is, tribes themselves should be free to determine whether they would like to allow private property ownership. In addition to granting tribes greater authority over their land, tribes need jurisdiction over all persons on their land to function as nations. Land status – fee or trust – should be irrelevant to the equation as should Indian status. For example, outside of Indian country, police do not inquire into the citizenship of the parties prior to making an arrest. Though various rationales are offered to justify denying tribes jurisdiction over non-Indians, the reasons do not hold up to scrutiny. Furthermore, tribes’ lack of jurisdiction over non-Indians is indistinguishable from the long-refuted imperial doctrine of extraterritoriality.
The private sector is virtually nonexistent in Indian country. Consequently, reservations experience chronically high rates of unemployment and poverty. Tribes have implemented numerous laws to foster development; however, the private sector is yet to thrive. Legal uncertainty is a major reason why. Although tribes have the ability to make their own laws, the Supreme Court limits tribes’ ability to exercise jurisdiction over non-Indians. In 1981, the Supreme Court held tribes can exercise jurisdiction over non-Indians who enter a consensual relationship with the tribe or its citizens, and tribes can also assert jurisdiction over non-Indians engaged in behavior that imperils tribal welfare. These categories have been construed extremely narrowly. Furthermore, determining whether a transaction is subject to tribal jurisdiction often requires years of costly litigation. Another impediment to tribal economic development is state taxation because the Supreme Court permits states to tax Indian country commerce. This means tribes cannot collect taxes because this would result in dual taxation. Without tax revenue, tribes struggle to fund the infrastructure businesses need. Additionally, it is often unclear whether the state can regulate an activity in Indian country. As a result of these factors, businesses avoid Indian country.
Christopher Columbus was not the first European to set foot in the Americas, but he was the most consequential. Sanctioned by God and hungry for gold, conquistadors ransacked the Americas’ Indigenous populations. In 1607, England established its first permanent American colony at Jamestown. England’s relationship with the local tribes ultimately devolved into war. Both Spain and England devised legal theories to justify their acquisitions of Indian land.