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China’s urban reforms commenced with a focus on micro incentives for state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Over time the focus gradually shifted to the resource allocation and pricing mechanism from the single track of the planned economy, to a dual track, and ultimately to the single-track market economy. During the transition, non-state-owned businesses, including private businesses, joint ventures, and foreign-funded enterprises, were encouraged to enter the market. Their growth has facilitated the stability and rapid development of China’s economy in the course of the transition from a planned economy to a market economy. However, this transition has also brought about challenges such as corruption, widening regional disparities, and income gap, among others.
While the concept of economic nationalism is frequently deployed it is often poorly defined, posited as the cause of protectionism in some cases while providing a rationale for liberalization in others. This Element provides a more rigorous articulation by analyzing variation in foreign investment regulation in postwar Brazil and India. Conventional approaches cite India's leftist “socialism” and Brazil's right-wing authoritarianism to explain why India resisted foreign direct investment (FDI) while Brazil welcomed foreign firms. However, this ignores puzzling industry-level variation: India restricted FDI in auto manufacturing but allowed multinationals in oil, while Brazil welcomed foreign auto companies but prohibited FDI in oil. This variation is inadequately explained by pluralist theories, structural-material approaches, or constructivist ideas. This Element argues that FDI policies were shaped by contrasting colonial experiences that generated distinct economic nationalisms and patterns of industrialization in both countries. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
This study examines the impact of climate change, defined as long-term changes in temperature and precipitation patterns due to natural and human factors, on women's employment in Burkina Faso, highlighting labour market participation and gender disparities. Using a static computable general equilibrium model calibrated with a gender-specific social accounting matrix, it evaluates two climate scenarios: a 2.4°C temperature increase and a 7.5 per cent decrease in precipitation by 2050. The results indicate that these climate shocks significantly reduce women's employment opportunities. The supply of paid labour for women may decrease by 3.9 per cent, with skilled women experiencing greater job losses than their unskilled counterparts. In rural areas, the domestic workload could increase by up to 0.28 per cent, further limiting women's labour market participation. These changes reinforce gender inequalities and contribute to a decline in real GDP. To counter these effects, investments in climate-resilient agriculture, water and energy infrastructure, and women's entrepreneurship are essential. Gender-responsive policies are needed to promote inclusive economic growth and reduce employment disparities.
The scope sensitivity test is used to validate value estimates of non-market environmental goods and services derived from the contingent valuation method. The absence of economic scope could suggest invalid value estimates. Recent studies have attributed scope insensitivity to affective, cognitive, and behavioral factors. In this study, we extend the behavioral insights in explaining scope insensitivity by incorporating insights from the theory of mental accounting. Our empirical results indicate that if subjects consider the environmental good as part of their recreational budget within a mental accounting framework, we can explain the scope insensitivity with otherwise standard preference.
What causes cyclical downturns that wreak havoc on our lives? Most economists will say that they result from random external shocks and that, without these, the economy would sail along beautifully. In US Business Cycles 1954-2020, John Harvey argues that overwhelming evidence points to an internal dynamic, one related to the behavior of economic agents that generates what we call a business cycle. He draws on the work of past Post-Keynesian and Institutionalist scholars to create a current theory of business cycles, one that treats them as systemic and not the result of random chance. He addresses not only unemployment and bankruptcies that are the immediate consequence of the business cycle, but critical social challenges like climate change and elderly care. Examining an extensive history of US fluctuations, Harvey fills a long-standing void within the discipline by offering an alternative theory of income, employment, and price determination.
This key chapter opens with background assumptions (full employment is not assumed, the financial sector is key, and unemployment is an unnecessary evil) and then starts building a basic macro model based on the injection-leakages approach. It identifies physical investment spending as the key injection and then spends considerable time explaining the determinants of investment and the environment in which relevant decisions are made. This is perhaps the most complex part of the volume, but real-world data are referenced frequently in the hope that this makes the argument easier to follow. About halfway through the chapter, there is a shift in focus toward the financing of investment. This requires a discussion of banking and credit/money creation. The chapter ends with miscellanea regarding investment spending (including some specific observations from Kalecki and Mitchell).
Chapter 3 tackles issues that are not necessarily directly related to the business cycle but will be important at various points in the historical section of the volume that covers every US business cycle since 1954. These include inflation, monetary policy, fiscal policy, tradeable securities, and secular stagnation. Because it is so poorly understood and since it will play a key role in the cycles of the 1970s and 1980s, more than half of this space is devoted solely to understanding inflation. The idea that it is a function of money supply growth is challenged, and a new set of definitions and classifications is offered.
Neoclassical economics – especially macro – is a mess. It has become irrelevant and divorced from the real world. Unfortunately, theory is important because it informs policy. This volume takes an alternate approach, one following the work of earlier Institutionalist and Post Keynesian pioneers.
The chapter opens with a quick review of the preceding theory and an outline of what one should expect to see in the real world if that theory is relevant. Several data points are selected as being the most significant, and the manner in which they fit on average over the entire period is demonstrated. These same data points are then repeated within each cycle as the chapter continues. Ten expansions and recessions are explained, including considerable detail as drawn from contemporary and later accounts. On occasion, there are side trips to related concepts such as shifting income distributions, the dramatic decline in the labor force participation ratio, secular stagnation, and the financialization of the economy.
What happens when scientists, dedicated to basic scientific research, are called forth to participate in politically fraught scenarios? We explore this question through a qualitative study of the intimate experiences of scientists who developed the first Argentine National Glacier Inventory (2010–2018). This inventory was entrusted to IANIGLA, a state-funded scientific institute. It arose from the world’s first glacier protection law, drafted to protect all glacier and periglacial environments as hydrological reserves as mining megaprojects encroached on them. This article examines the failed attempts to turn periglacial environments into “governable objects” (Hellgren 2022). Interviews and an auto-ethnography among scientists involved reveal that these failures can be attributed to unresolved tensions in upscaling and downscaling practices that are needed to simultaneously produce world-class climate science and locally relevant policy science. The failure to anticipate or resolve those tensions, in the context of grassroots opposition to mining, undermined trust in science and government, pointing to the local limits of global climate science.
Economics is ultimately about policy. To this point, the volume has laid out a theory that explains business cycles, inflation, monetary and fiscal policy, and the financial sector, and it has tested its predictions by comparing them to historical events. It has also referenced the major economic and social costs associated with both the business cycle and the general tendency of the economy to come to rest at less than full employment. Fortunately, there exists a policy that can address these: the Job Guarantee. The chapter (vetted by two preeminent scholars in the area: Pavlina Tcherneva and L. Randall Wray) goes into detail on the structure, strengths, weaknesses, and financing of such a program. It concludes that there is no doubt that we are suffering needlessly. Unemployment is an unnecessary evil, and we absolutely can afford to address emerging crises such as elder care, income maldistribution, and global climate change. Indeed, we cannot afford not to.