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Whether one sees abandonment processes as transforming the material record (e.g. Schiffer 1983, 1985), or as integral components of site formation (e.g. Binford 1981), all archaeologically recovered remains have been conditioned by abandonment processes. It should not come as a surprise that, whether the examples of abandonment come from the Andean highlands, the American Southwest, or the Portuguese lowlands, the processes documented in this volume are germane to the study and interpretation of archaeological remains world wide. In fact, the cross–cultural similarities evident in numerous papers are strong indications that processes of abandonment are not culture or region specific. Rather, it appears that the contextual milieu (e.g. environmental, technological, socio–cultural factors) within which site abandonment takes place contains the factors conditioning abandonment processes.
The papers in this volume are divided into four major sections, ethnoarchaeological and archaeological case studies of regional abandonment processes, and ethnoarchaeological and archaeological case studies of withinsites abandonment processes. Ethnoarchaeological case studies of regional abandonment (i.e. Tomka; Graham; Home; Kent; Stone) emphasize the role of actual mobility, anticipated mobility, and overall land–use pattern, as well as technological, sociocultural, and ideological factors, in occupational and locational stability, and, by implication, abandonment periodicity. Archaeological case studies of regional abandonment (i.e. Schlanger and Wilshusen; Fish and Fish; Lillios) focus on the effects of environmental and technological factors and broad sociocultural dynamics on regional occupational stability.
The potential significance of the Annales school of history for archaeologists depends upon what is understood by “the Annales school of history.” As the relentless accumulation of human knowledge and the passage of time have conspired to break the totality of human understanding into discrete disciplines, subdisciplines, and specializations, so-called “interdisciplinary” adventures have become challenging, and sometimes seem heroic. The risk for appropriators of ideas and approaches originating in disciplines other than their own is that they will not properly understand them, or may wilfully misunderstand them, and thus will misapply them in a way that exposes the appropriators to criticism or ridicule. Social Darwinism is an apt example of such misapplied interdisciplinary appropriation. Yet how deeply must a scholar be steeped in the donor discipline to minimize the risk of such criticism? And, more to the point, if the conceptual borrowing proves of value for the receiving discipline, does this value outweigh the possible defect of the idea not being accurately and fully understood?
In consideration of these possible concerns, several propositions can be put forward regarding the papers contained in this book and their implications for archaeology:
First, the authors of the papers do not all understand the Annales school in the same way. Consequently, they apply significantly different insights deriving from their differing understandings.
Second, the Annales school itself does not have sufficient coherence and self-understanding to make appropriating ideas from it an easy or straightforward task.…
Since archaeologists and historians have a common interest in the human past, their continuing capacity to ignore each other's existence is rather surprising. To some extent this is because each lives up to the other's caricature: one apparently obsessed with the trivial detail of pottery classification, the other with the equally trivial (but more readable) details of personal lives. To the extent that this is true, New Archaeology was the great breakout from the first stereotype; Braudelian history from the second. Archaeologists, typically, took fifteen years longer.
Of course there had been many earlier works both of history and archaeology which far transcended these stereotypes; but from the point of view of the sociology of knowledge there is a striking similarity in the common rhythm which underlay the post-war development of innovative work in both disciplines. What both Binfordians and Braudelians had in common was a powerful, self-conscious determination to be seen as the dominant school of interpretation within their own disciplines, which ultimately led to their successful capture of a secure academic territory with its publications, pupils, and imitators. Both saw themselves as leading a major theoretical reorientation with more relevance to post-war society, replacing a redundant generation of scholars concerned simply with the collection of disconnected facts! Both expressed an impatience with narrative, and espoused a broadly ecological and demographic standpoint, subsuming individuals within broader social forces, and trying to quantify whatever was capable of being measured (while tending to ignore what could not).
In recent years archaeologists appear to have rediscovered history. For many the Annaliste history of Fernand Braudel has proved especially attractive. In this paper it is argued that an overemphasis on the determinism of long-term structures, and the lack of a dialectical relationship between the longue duree and the history of events fundamentally flaws Braudel's enterprise. Drawing upon the work of sociologists and anthropologists like Anthony Giddens and Pierre Bourdieu, an alternative theoretical perspective is provided and applied to further our understanding of the formation of hilltop towns in central Italy during the early Middle Ages. It is argued that this perspective, with its emphasis on the social contruction of reality and the recursiveness of the relationship between structure and agency, is similar to that of a later generation of Annales scholars like Georges Duby and Jacques Le Goff. Annalisme is not rejected: le monde Braudellien is.
Introduction
In the middle decades of this century a new form of historiography was developing in France. It was a form of history established in explicit reaction to the then dominant school of narrative political history. Founded by Lucien Febvre and Marc Bloch, Annales history flourished under Fernand Braudel; the banner of the Annales is now carried by such notable French historians as Georges Duby, Jacques Le Goff, and Paul Veyne. The output of these Annales historians has been stupendous, and it is dedicated by and large to the structures of everyday life, a subject of great relevance to archaeologists.
Little attention has been paid thus far to explaining either the different rates of cultural change in the archaeological record of the Northern Plains of North America or the epistemological relationship between the prehistoric and historic pasts of the area. These two problems are examined by combining Braudel's conception of time with more recent Annaliste explications of the relationship between structure and event. With specific reference to the later prehistoric and early historic record of southern Alberta, Canada, structures of mentalite are defined in prehistoric processing and procurement activities and traced into historic period gender relationships. Geographical structures are identified in subsistence activities. These structures were transformed through a recursive relationship with human action, manifested in specific events: the adoption of the bow and arrow and ceramics, and the arrival of European cultures. By denying the existence of the prehistoric and historic pasts as epistemologically separate entities, archaeology may be used to amplify specific ethnographic and historical studies, rather than the other way around, as is usually the case.
Introduction
It has long been recognized that temporal change in the archaeological record of the Northern Plains of North America was, with few exceptions, predominantly slow and sporadic. This feature has set the tone for all archaeological research in the area but has, in the process, generated two research strategies which have hindered understanding of the past.
Archaeological and documentary evidence from the southern Levant's Middle and Late Bronze Ages (2000/1900–1200 BC) reveal two latent geopolitical structures. Documentary evidence relevant to the North Jordan and Jezreel Valleys (in the modern-day states of Jordan and Israel, respectively) is discussed as one independent data source. Archaeological material from the same region, and particularly from the North Jordan Valley site of Pella, is presented as a separate, independent data source. An Annales framework facilitates reciprocal examination of these two streams of evidence, and makes it possible to offer new perspectives on politico-economic factors that affected independent and imperial polities in the North Jordan, Jezreel, and Beth Shan Valleys between about 1700 and 1200 BC.
Introduction
The study of change through time and space is basic not only to archaeology, but to history, anthropology, and geography. Annales historians have emphasized that the recognition of change in patterned human activity on any level may indicate a break in customs, ideas, or technologies. For archaeologists, the challenge is to identify and isolate such patterned changes and to relate them to sociocultural continuity or discontinuity. The conditions of change may be generated within or without society; in many cases, similar factors promote both stability and change, complexity and collapse.
This paper discusses the need for a hierarchical arrangement of explanations used by archaeologists to deal with processes that occur over different scales of space and time. The aim is to define what type of hierarchy is needed. In a hierarchical structure of theories, large-scale processes cannot be reduced to small-scale ones and small-scale ones are not determined by large-scale ones. By contrast, a reductionist view holds that the nature of the smallest component sufficiently explains the largest system or is essential for a basic understanding of it. Hierarchical explanations are usual in the biological sciences, the earth sciences and the hard sciences, contrary to much misapprehension about them by humanistic disciplines. The trend is toward these integrative explanatory structures.
A version of hierarchical explanation introduced to history by the Annales school (Braudel in particular) suggests that it is not incompatible with studies of human beings. Biologists such as S. J. Gould have no difficulty in arguing that history – in the sense of successions of unique events – matters in a study of the vast patterns and processes of biological evolution, and is consistent with “science.” It follows that a history/science dichotomy in archaeology or any study of human beings is founded on suspect premises about the significance of uniqueness and determinism. Since biological, geographical, and historical theories are regularly used in archaeology, tacit hierarchical arrangements of theory are accepted but without a rigorously defined hierarchy of explanation.…
This paper applies insights from the work of Fernand Braudel to the problem of correlating archaeology and native history in Postclassic central Mexico. Two aspects of Braudel's model of hierarchical temporal rhythms are emphasized. First, Braudel's theoretical construct provides a useful framework for conceptualizing past time and processes of change in complex societies. Second, his empirical findings on the diverse types of socioeconomic change and their rhythms contribute to the dialectical interaction between changing research questions and chronological refinement. These points are illustrated through an examination of archaeological and native historical data on processes of socioeconomic change in Postclassic central Mexico. Greater attention to temporal rhythms and chronological issues leads to more successful archaeological/historical correlation in central Mexico and thereby helps advance our understanding of processes of change.
Introduction
The Postclassic epoch in highland central Mexico was a time of major social, economic, and political change. Large cities and territorial empires rose and fell, significant demographic changes took place including mass migrations and rapid population increase, the city-state emerged as the dominant political form, and warfare, trade, and alliances became significant forms of interaction between polities. These developments are reflected not only in the archaeological record, but also in native historical chronicles preserved by the Nahuatl dynasties of the Late Postclassic city-states.
Microscopic problems of historical research can and should be made macrocosmic – capable of reflecting worlds larger than themselves. It is in this reflected flicker of truth, the revelations of the general in the particular, that the contribution of the historical method to social science will be found.
(Postan 1939: 34)
By and large, social scientists have not attempted to link the day to day events in the lives of individuals (ecological or synchronic processes) and the long term or large scale patterns of human societies (historical or diachronic processes).
(Boyd and Richerson 1985: 290)
To inherit the past is also to transform it, or so a recent geocultural synthesis maintains (Lowenthal 1985: 412). As historians “auto-reflexively” narrate past processes or events by means of concepts and terms drawn from their own culture, so social anthropologists often treat the past as a “boundless canvas for contemporary embroidery” (Appadurai 1981:201). Archaeology's most prominent historiographer regarded the past as something discovered chiefly through the filter of modern society's beliefs and attitudes (Daniel 1975).
Anyone involved in the study of the past realizes that is is difficult to relate our own ideas about the past to ideas actually held in the past (Hodder 1986: 2–6; Gallay 1986:198–200; Trigger 1989: 351).
This chapter relates Fernand Braudel's model of hierarchical temporal rhythms to current theoretical work on time and chronology in archaeology. The debate between Lewis Binford and Michael Schiffer over the existence of a “Pompeii premise” in Americanist archaeology serves as a point of departure, and it is shown that Binford's distinction between “ethnographic time“ and “archaeological time” is encompassed by Braudel's model. The varying temporal rhythms associated with diverse socioeconomic processes are relevant to the methods of chronology-building, periodization, and cultural reconstruction. It is argued that these associations need to be considered not only at the level of interpretation, but also at the levels of research design and data recovery. Chronology-building is an integral part of the research process, and Braudel's formulation contributes to an understanding of the dialectical relationship between changing research questions and chronological refinement.
Introduction
Archaeology as a historical science
Since the early days of the “New Archaeology,” one of the primary goals of archaeology has been the explanation of past culture change. The long time span represented in the archaeological record is seen as one of the most important resources for archaeology, and the analysis of processes of change is often viewed as archaeology's major contribution to knowledge (e.g., Plog 1973). Because of long-standing disciplinary and intellectual ties between American archaeology and anthropology (see Willey and Sabloff 1980), Lewis Binford and the other new archaeologists took sociocultural anthropology as the model for their vision of archaeology's future.
Certain complex societies in the Old and New World alike generated numerous documentary records or prompted diverse ethnohistoric accounts. As a result, written evidence tends to dominate sociocultural interpretation, frequently at the expense of material evidence. In the study of past politico-economic or sociocultural processes, it is important to create a dialogue between material and written evidence, neither of which logically supersedes the other. In this regard, Annales-onentzd research has been exemplary in its attempts to combine material, documentary, and theoretical approaches to the past into a single human science approach.
A series of seminars presented at the University of Sydney – Rhys Jones, Roland Fletcher, Bernard Knapp (Prehistory); I. Wallerstein (History and Economic History) – first suggested the possibility of producing a volume that would explore the concept of time in archaeology, and the Annales approach to the study of the past. Subsequently, at the First Joint Archaeological Congress (Baltimore, MD, January 1989), seven papers in this volume were presented in a symposium entitled ‘Archaeology and Annales: Towards Resolution of the Archaeological-Documentary Dilemma.’ Two papers presented in Baltimore (J. G. Lewthwaite, J. A. Greene) are not included in this volume; studies by P. Duke and A. Sherratt have been added, and R. Bulliet contributed the historical overview.
An Annales approach demands that equal consideration be given to continuity and change, whatever the medium that reveals them.