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Before and after the fall of the Byzantine capital in 1453, Orthodox Slavic rulers imagined Constantinople as an ideal imperial capital and an icon of Orthodox empire. While the physical city was dramatically declining in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, it remained iconic. An imperial ideal was materialized in the ensemble of two architectural monuments – Hagia Sophia and the horseman. Hagia Sophia and the horseman were the interconnected memory sites of Constantinople. Their gigantic size and physical proximity united them as breathtaking manifestations of a sacralized Orthodox capital of a bygone age. Though this image was promoted by Palaiologan fundraising campaigns of the fourteenth century, it continued to flourish in Slavic lands long after Byzantium ceased to exist. By analyzing the illustrated history created for Ivan Alexander of Bulgaria in the mid-fourteenth century, the narratives of Russian pilgrims and church officials, and the Slavic version of the Narrative on the Construction of Hagia Sophia, I demonstrate how Slavic Orthodox rulers constructed an image of a timeless, sacred city. While for Ivan Alexander Constantinople was a political, historical place, for Russian observers Constantinople became a timeless, sacral entity.
The ban on Wolverhampton bus crews wearing beards and turbans initiated a two-year-long dispute that reverberated far beyond the town itself, in Britain and India. In 1983, following a long legal struggle, the House of Lords established the right of Sikh pupils to wear a turban at school. It is in the light of these consistent outcomes that we can ask why it is that the English like turbans. The idea that people of colour were out of place in Britain was neither the only nor the most significant obstacle to pluralist policies in post-war Britain. Assimilation provided the language with which ministers in both Conservative and Labour governments justified new immigration controls. Institutional pluralism was not only a Liberal enthusiasm but became convenient for Conservatives too following partition. The outcomes of the Sikhs' campaigns demonstrate that policies which sanctioned cultural pluralism predate the drive to multiculturalism in the 1980s.
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