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Despite the intensified Chinese nationalism in the Resistance War, ironically the CYP leaders found their radical nationalism lost its solid support in Chinese society. Furthermore, the CYP also lost its dominant influence in Sichuan, resulting in significant political weakening in its struggle with the GMD and the CCP. It was in this context the CYP began to deradicalize. This chapter examines this sudden change and discusses in four sections how the CYP reached “Roosevelt” from “Mussolini.” The first section examines how the CYP unrevolutionized as both the international and internal situations forced the CYP to accommodate more liberalist politics. The second section documents the CYP’s contribution to forming and splitting the Chinese Democratic League in its struggles with the CCP and the GMD. The third section delineats the inter-party relations between the CYP and GMD in the mid-1940s. Finally, the fourth section explores the CYP’s collaboration and competition with the GMD in both state and local elections for the National Assembly and Legislative and Control Yuans between 1947 and 1948.
Conventional workplace law includes the law of collective bargaining and employment contracts. This chapter argues that, to fully understand how law constructs worker power, industrial democracy, and political democracy, workplace law should greatly broaden in scope. The “new labor law” should encompass components of many fields of law that influence worker power and democracy as much as many components of conventional labor law. These additional components are lodged in domestic and international finance law, social wage law, constitutional law, communication law, tax law, and many more fields. The chapter applies the new labor law to critique and offer proposals to reconstruct existing law in the service of empowering workers in the workplace and polity, within both capitalist economies and imagined democratic socialist regimes.
The twentieth century saw a renewed interest among Latin America’s philosophical thinkers on questions concerning social justice, economic underdevelopment, and the imperialist threat from industrial powers in the region. After outlining Marxism as a political theory, Chapter 8 first discusses how Latin American political thinkers José Carlos Mariátegui and Ernesto “Che” Guevara introduced their own twists to Marxism in order to solve those questions. The chapter evaluates Mariátegui’s attempted solution, especially as formulated in his account of the problems of “the Indian,” “the land,” and “religion” facing Peru. In the case of Guevara, the chapter looks closely at his “theory of the new human being,” pointing to some major objections facing it. By contrast, for Salvador Allende and Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, the two moderate socialists of Latin America discussed here, solutions are attainable within the framework of liberal democracy, with no violent revolution necessary. This chapter critically examines their claims that the cause of Latin America’s failed experiments with democracy resides elsewhere – namely, in the imperialist threat from the United States and other industrial powers.
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