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This work shows that direct combustion of cotton gin waste (CGW) at cotton gins can profitably generate electricity. Many bioenergy processing centres emphasise very large-scale operations, which require a large and stable bio-stock supply that is not always available. Similarly, a small biorefinery processing gin trash at a cotton gin must wrestle with the high volatility of cotton yields and price variation in cotton and electricity. Fortunately, the smaller scale allows these risks to be somewhat countervailing. Low cotton yields allow the limited gin trash available to be applied to the highest peak electricity prices in winter. Similarly, high yields with low cotton prices generate revenue from power generation throughout high winter electric prices.
To assess the profitability of an onsite power plant requires high-resolution data. We utilise hourly electricity price data from 2010 to 2021 in West Texas and obtain a small data array of 15 years of gin trash at a medium-sized gin. Prior analyses have had neither. We leverage limited CGW data to better leverage generous electricity price data by generating a Bayesian distribution for CGW. We simulate 10,000 annual CGW outcomes and electricity prices. Using engineering parameters for combustion efficiency, we show the expected internal rates of return of 19–22% for a 1 MWe and a 2 MWe plant at a small gin. Simulations then compare economic returns to the variance of those returns, which allows the analyst to present to investors a frontier of stochastic dominant return outcomes (risk-returns trade-off) for plants of different sizes at different sized gins.
Americans in the twenty-first century find themselves searching for new understandings of their history. They seek explanations for chronic political polarization, acute pandemic polarization, social media addiction, heightened concern over global warming and armed global conflict, widening cultural and economic gaps between city and countryside, persistent racial tensions, gender divides, tensions over abortion rights and the public school curriculum, and a forty-year pattern of increasing economic inequality in the United States. Americans are looking for a past that can help them understand the divided and fractious present, a past that enlightens and inspires. In this collection of original essays, Lacy K. Ford uses the past to inform the present, as he provides a deeper, more nuanced understanding of American history and the American South's complicated relationship with it.
Follows the further decline of American trade in the Mediterranean and the physical decline and death of the three consuls, all of whom become somewhat disillusioned with the United States and the State Department while unsuccessfully trying to insure that their families can continue to prosper in the Mediterranean.
Palmer amaranth with resistance to dicamba, glufosinate, and protoporphyrinogen oxidase inhibitors has been documented in several southern states. With extensive use of these and other herbicides in South Carolina, a survey was initiated in fall 2020 and repeated in fall 2021 and 2022 to determine the relative response of Palmer amaranth accessions to selected preemergence and postemergence herbicides. A greenhouse screening experiment was conducted in which accessions were treated with three preemergence (atrazine, S-metolachlor, and isoxaflutole) and six postemergence (glyphosate, thifensulfuron-methyl, fomesafen, glufosinate, dicamba, and 2,4-D) herbicides at the 1× and 2× use rates. Herbicides were applied shortly after planting (preemergence) or at the 2- to 4-leaf growth stage (postemergence). Percent survival was evaluated 5 to 14 d after application depending on herbicide activity. Sensitivity to atrazine preemergence was lower for 49 and 33 accessions out of 115 to atrazine applied preemergence at the 1× and 2× rate, respectively. Most of the accessions (90%) were controlled by isoxaflutole applied preemergence at the 1× rate. Response to S-metolachlor applied preemergence indicated that 34% of the Palmer amaranth accessions survived the 1× rate (>60% survival). Eleven accessions exhibited reduced sensitivity to fomesafen applied postemergence; however, these percentages were not different from the 0% survivor group. Glyphosate applied postemergence at the 1× rate did not control most accessions (79%). Palmer amaranth response to thifensulfuron-methyl applied postemergence varied across the accessions, with only 36% and 28% controlled at the 1× rate and 2× rate, respectively. All accessions were controlled by 2,4-D, dicamba, or glufosinate when they were applied postemergence. Palmer amaranth accessions from this survey exhibited reduced susceptibility to several herbicides commonly used in agronomic crops in South Carolina. Therefore, growers should use multiple management tactics to minimize the evolution of herbicide resistance in Palmer amaranth in South Carolina.
Field experiments were conducted at Clayton and Rocky Mount, NC, during summer 2020 to determine the growth and fecundity of Palmer amaranth plants that survived glufosinate with and without grass competition in cotton. Glufosinate (590 g ai ha−1) was applied to Palmer amaranth early postemergence (5 cm tall), mid-postemergence (7 to 10 cm tall), and late postemergence (>10 cm tall) and at orthogonal combinations of those timings. Nontreated Palmer amaranth was grown in weedy, weed-free in-crop (WFIC) and weed-free fallow (WFNC) conditions for comparisons. Palmer amaranth control decreased as larger plants were treated; no plants survived the sequential glufosinate applications in both experiments. The apical and circumferential growth of Palmer amaranth surviving glufosinate treatments was reduced by more than 44% compared to the WFIC and WFNC Palmer amaranth in both experiments. The biomass of Palmer amaranth plants surviving glufosinate was reduced by more than 62% when compared with the WFIC and WFNC in all experiments. The fecundity of Palmer amaranth surviving glufosinate treatments was reduced by more than 73% compared to WFNC Palmer amaranth in all experiments. Remarkably, the plants that survived glufosinate were fecund as WFIC plants only in the Grass Competition experiment. The results prove that despite decreased vegetative growth of Palmer amaranth surviving glufosinate treatment, plants remain fecund and can be fecund as nontreated plants in cotton. These results suggest that a glufosinate-treated grass weed may not have a significant interspecific competition effect on Palmer amaranth that survives glufosinate. Glufosinate should be applied to 5 to 7 cm Palmer amaranth to cease vegetative and reproductive capacities.
Integrated weed management practices that reduce selection for resistance on herbicides are critical to delay resistance. To quantify the reduction in selection for resistance placed on Palmer amaranth from 2,4-D applied postemergence in cotton, an experiment was conducted three times in Georgia during 2020 and 2021 evaluating the benefits of (i) a cover crop, (ii) preemergence herbicides, and (iii) timeliness of applications. When a timely total-postemergence program of glyphosate + 2,4-D was applied three times over the season in a conventionally tilled system, 281,690 glyphosate-resistant Palmer amaranth plants ha–1 were exposed to 2,4-D. Over 61,500 of these plants were exposed to multiple 2,4-D applications. Altering the production system to conservation tillage, and including a rolled-rye cover crop, reduced the total number of plants exposed to 2,4-D for the season by 72% and the number of plants exposed multiple times by 60%. Even more effective, including a mixture of residual preemergence herbicides reduced the number of plants exposed to 2,4-D at least once over 99.9%, and reduced multiple exposures over 99.3% for the season; this benefit was observed for both conventional and conservation tillage systems. Delaying the initial application of the total-postemergence program did not influence the number of Palmer amaranth plants treated at least once but increased the number of plants treated multiple times by a factor of 3.7 times. As a result of early-season weed competition, cotton height and yield reductions were also associated with both lack of preemergence residuals and delayed postemergence applications. When considering the goal of minimizing the number of Palmer amaranth treated with a postemergence application of 2,4-D in a cotton system, the preemergence was the most effective option followed by (fb) the cover crop fb making timely postemergence applications. However, the most effective approach was to utilize each of these tactics in the same growing season.
Tiafenacil is a new nonselective protoporphyrinogen IX oxidase–inhibiting herbicide with both grass and broadleaf activity labeled for preplant application to corn, cotton, soybean, and wheat. Early season rice emergence and growth often coincide in the mid-southern United States with applications of preplant herbicides to cotton and soybean, thereby increasing the opportunity for off-target herbicide movement from adjacent fields. Field studies were conducted to identify any deleterious effects of reduced rates of tiafenacil (12.5% to 0.4% of the lowest labeled application rate of 24.64 g ai ha−1) applied to 1- or 3-leaf rice. Visual injury 1 wk after treatment (WAT) for the 1- and 3-leaf growth stages ranged from 50% to 7% and 20% to 2%, respectively, whereas at 2 WAT these respective ranges were 13% to 2%, and no injury was observed. Tiafenacil applied at those rates had no negative season-long effect because observed early season injury was not manifested as a reduction in rice height 2 WAT or rough rice yield. Application of tiafenacil to crops directly adjacent to rice in its early vegetative stages of growth should be avoided because visual injury will occur. When off-target movement does occur, however, the affected rice should be expected to fully recover with no effect on growth or yield, assuming adequate growing conditions and agronomic/pest management are provided.
This article investigates cotton promotion policies in colonial Korea, with a focus on the role of a series of semi-governmental organizations (SGOs) in implementing colonial policies to shape farmers’ interactions with global, capitalist markets. Colonial attempts to develop the cultivation of cotton, a quintessential commodity of modern capitalism, highlight the incorporation of the Korean countryside into imperial networks of commercial commodity production and circulation. However, despite appeals to the rhetoric of capitalism and the expected response of profit-maximizing cotton cultivators, in practice colonial cotton campaigns relied on the active intervention of the colonial state to reinforce the adoption of new scientific and commercial agricultural practices. SGOs performed multiple roles in the promotion of cotton cultivation—distributing resources, defining expertise, regulating the production and sale of cotton, and attempting to change the behaviour of cotton cultivators, landlords, and even merchants in line with the colonial government’s strategic interests. As such, SGOs represent an understudied extension of the colonial state into the rural economy, which influenced the conditions under which farming households engaged in the commercial cultivation of cotton.
Palmer amaranth, which is resistant to glyphosate and protoporphyrinogen oxidase inhibitors, remains a threat to cotton and soybean production in Tennessee. This is partly due to the recent evolution of dicamba-resistant Palmer amaranth in western Tennessee, which further complicates weed management. Experiments were conducted in 2021 and 2022 to determine the best timing between sequential applications and the order in which 2,4-D or dicamba should be used with glufosinate to control resistant Palmer amaranth. Palmer amaranth control increased when the interval between postemergence herbicide applications decreased from 21 to 7 d. At the 7-d interval in a dicamba-based system, the order of herbicides did not affect Palmer amaranth control. However, in a 2,4-D-based system, the greatest control was achieved when 2,4-D was applied first, followed by either 2,4-D or glufosinate. While weed height at the time of application had a significant effect on Palmer amaranth control with auxin herbicides, control was still unacceptable in the field at the labeled rates of dicamba or 2,4-D when applied to weeds that were <10 cm tall (48% and 53%, respectively). Neither dicamba nor 2,4-D provided acceptable control of the Palmer amaranth populations evaluated in this study. Sequential applications separated by 7 d provided better weed control than those separated by 21 d. Given that the better 7-d sequential treatments provided less than 90% control and resulted in more than 64,000 surviving Palmer amaranth plants per hectare suggests that relying solely on these herbicides for Palmer amaranth control is not a sustainable weed management strategy.
Alarming decreases in cotton production have been reported over the last three decades due to neoliberal agrarian policies, agribusiness and shrinking areas of cultivatable land, among other factors. These changes underline the importance of creating an archive of knowledge about the production of cotton. Its history, the role of the state and the forms of hierarchical and exploitative divisions of labour need to be reconstructed and recalled as an exercise in nurturing the collective memory, for they are currently suffering a pervasive process of memory erasure by the powers that be. This short chapter is, in a way, an appendix to my book The Cotton Plantation Remembered (2013). It focuses on some ten documents derived from account books of the Fuuda family’s ‘izba located in Balamun in the Nile Delta, which accumulated wealth by acquiring massive tracts of agricultural land during the second half of the nineteenth century. This chapter is an attempt at attesting and reviving the significance of these account books for an alternative historical reading of such estates, as well as for rethinking what constitutes an archive.
Herbicides that inhibit protoporphyrinogen oxidase (PPO) are used in more than 40 agronomic and specialty crops across Georgia to manage weeds through residual and postemergence (POST) control. In 2017, a population of Palmer amaranth exhibiting reduced sensitivity to POST applications of PPO-inhibiting herbicides was identified by the University of Georgia. Seed were collected from the site along with a known sensitive population; distance between the samples was 200 m, increasing the likelihood of similar environmental and genetic characteristics. To quantify sensitivity for both preemergence (PRE) and POST uses, 21 greenhouse dose-response assessments were conducted from 2017 to 2022. After conducting initial rate-response studies, 13 doses per herbicide were chosen for the POST experiment; field use rates of fomesafen (420 g ai ha−1), lactofen (219 g ai ha−1), acifluorfen (420 g ai ha−1), and trifludimoxazin (25 g ai ha−1) ranging from 0× to 4× the field use rate for the susceptible population, and 0× to 40× for the suspect population were applied. Herbicide treatments included adjuvants and were applied to plants 8 to 10 cm in height. Relative resistance factors (RRFs) were calculated for control ratings, mortality, and biomass, and ranged from 105 to 318, 36 to 1,477, 215 to 316, and 9 to 49 for fomesafen, lactofen, acifluorfen, and trifludimoxazin, respectively. In the PRE experiment, herbicide applications included five to nine doses of fomesafen (1× = 210 g ai ha−1), flumioxazin (1× = 57 g ai ha−1), oxyfluorfen (1× = 561 g ai ha−1), and trifludimoxazin (1× = 38 g ai ha−1); doses ranged from 0× to 6× for the suspect population and 0× to 2× for the susceptible population. Visual control, mortality, and biomass RRFs ranged from 3 to 5 for fomesafen, 21 to 31 for flumioxazin, 6 to 22 for oxyfluorfen, and 8 to 38 for trifludimoxazin. Results confirm that a Georgia Palmer amaranth population is resistant to PPO-inhibiting herbicides applied both PRE and POST.
Despite the dominant role it plays in the Beninese economy, the cotton sector has not succeeded in accelerating the country’s economic growth. Yields have been volatile, and production practically stagnated from the mid-1990s to 2016. This poor performance mainly relates to the sector’s unstable management, which has oscillated between public and private monopolies. In its turn, this unstable management relates to several institutional factors including changes in ideology of the donors supporting the sector and the country’s political leader, elite bargaining, and clientelist contracts motivated by rent-seeking. These factors gave way to institutional instability, with the government abruptly overturning policies and planned actions by the previous government or re-assigning the mandates of management organisations in the cotton sector, which caused uncertainty in the sector and increased the cost of agriculture services in the sector.
Living standards in Benin have remained low over the last decades because of sustained demographic pressures and the absence of a growth-enhancing structural transformation. Its two leading sectors have not been engines of sustained growth. The cotton sector has been constrained by institutional instability and political interference. Cross-border trade with Nigeria has nurtured informality but also corruption, tax evasion, and political capture. Adjustment to the decline of the agricultural sector has been passive, its labour migrating to informal activities and low-productivity sectors. Capital deepening is absent, and misallocation of resources has resulted in efficiency losses and slow technological change. Weaknesses in domestic resource mobilisation and inefficiencies in expenditure management have prevented the government from addressing key challenges of economic and social development, like providing good-quality physical infrastructure, significantly improving the performance of the education and healthcare systems, or fighting persistent poverty and inequality. Benin needs to reorient its development strategy and deal with its specific institutional weaknesses.
Benin is a small, slow-growing economy whose development relies on two sources of rent that are controlled by self-centred elites: cotton export and illegal cross-border trade with Nigeria. Patrimonialism governs Beninese society as a forceful struggle for political power takes place between the oligarchs who control these sources and use them as formidable levers of power. State Capture and Rent-Seeking in Benin argues that this struggle causes the instability and unpredictability of economic policies, resulting in institutional problems that make economic diversification and growth difficult. Based on a thorough account of the economic, social, and political development of Benin, this institutional diagnostic provides a detailed analysis of its critical institution- and development-sensitive areas such as electoral campaign finance, state capture by business and elites, management of the cotton sector, the tax effort, the informal trading between Benin and Nigeria, and the political economy of land reform.
Chapter 7 delves into the reformers often-futile attempts to solicit potential non-official allies such as the Lancashire textile manufacturers and Anglo-Indian planters who sought access to raw cotton and land freeholds. While it initially seemed that the mobilization of the mill owners might deter arbitrary colonial governance, they failed to back the reformers’ radical efforts to alter India’s bureaucratic apparatus after the Uprising of 1857. Disappointed on a second front, reformers were also compelled to condemn the European planters whose exploitative tactics resulted in agrarian disturbances. As Manchester cotton lords in the 1870s continued to harp on the inequity of the colonial import duties levied on their textiles, reformers accused them of weaponizing free trade and stifling Indian competition. Recurrent famines also brought the efficacy of laissez-faire governance into question, which in turn led a faction within the East India Association to espouse a racialized variant of conservationism.
Investigations of the relevance of low-tunnel methodology and air sampling concerning the off-target movement of dicamba were conducted from 2018 to 2022, focused primarily on volatility. This research, divided into three experiments, evaluated the impact of herbicides and adjuvants added to dicamba and the type of surface treated on dicamba volatility. Treatment combinations included glyphosate and glufosinate, the presence of a simulated contamination rate of ammonium sulfate (AMS), the benefit of a volatility reduction agent (VRA), and a vegetated (dicamba-resistant cotton) or soil surface treated with dicamba. Volatility assessments included air sampling collected over 48 h. Dicamba treatments were applied four times to each of two bare soil or cotton trays and placed inside the tunnels. Dicamba from air samples was extracted and quantified. Field assessments included the maximum and average visible injury in bioindicator soybean and the lateral movement of dicamba damage expressed by the farthest distance from the center of the plots to the position in which plants exhibited 5% injury. Adding glufosinate and glyphosate to dicamba increased the dicamba amount in air samples. A simulated tank contamination rate of AMS (0.005% v/v) did not affect dicamba emissions compared to a treatment lacking AMS. Adding a VRA reduced dicamba in air samples by 70% compared to treatment without the adjuvant. Dicamba treatments applied on vegetation generally produced greater detectable amounts of dicamba than treatments applied to bare soil. Field assessment results usually followed differences in dicamba concentration by treatments tested. Results showed that low-tunnel methodology allowed simultaneous comparisons of several treatment combinations concerning dicamba volatility.
During the 1760s, the Affiches Américaines and the Journal de Saint-Domingue created a lively public forum to address colonial agricultural concerns that metropolitan learned societies largely ignored. Colonists enthusiastically embraced the same rhetoric of emulation and civic-mindedness as their counterparts in France while vigorously asserting intellectual authority based in practice. They sought to improve the cultivation of older but challenging crops, such as indigo and cotton, and to introduce new crops that would enhance the colony’s profitability, provide gainful employment for their society’s poorer members, and occupy unexploited ecological niches. To assess proposed innovations, they staged trials witnessed by expert practitioners; circulated information through manuscripts; and wrote up public answers to questions posed by the Affiches. This chapter also shows the limitations of local improvisations to solve agricultural problems as competing claims to intellectual authority based in experience created rifts between groups of colonists, colonists and the editors of their periodicals, and colonists and elite metropolitan institutions.
The preceding chapters captured the activities of the WTO that generate headlines – the biennial meetings of trade ministers. Those events are graded by whether the ministers are able to reach agreement or fail to do so. There is much more to the WTO – much that is important but not well-known other than to officials from member countries. The chapter is designed to show what the WTO does on a regular basis, by putting the reader into WTO meetings, vicariously.
Evolution of labor and reconstitution of plantation system on sugar and cotton plantations of lower Mississippi valley during 1863. Sugar and cotton reflect different regimens but also share characteristics in common: conflict between former slaveholders and former slaves over new modes of work; Federal officials fear dependency of freed people on government support; plantation-leasing system to northern transplants intended to bring free-labor notions to South. Planters determined to reestablish labor control; freed people determined to achieve meaningful economic independence. Wartime military free labor in sugar and cotton regions encounters many difficulties, and all parties express dissatisfaction with system. By end of year, calls for reformed system for 1864. Military free labor essential step in moving from emancipating slaves to abolishing slavery, but also reveals shortcomings of military emancipation.
Wartime free labor under military auspices evolves in the Union-occupied lower Mississippi valley during the second half of 1864. Legislatures of Arkansas and Louisiana fail to address new labor arrangements, and plantation affairs remain under Federal military authority. Sugar planters, confronting the abolition of slavery in Louisiana, clamor for labor and racial control in planning for the 1865, whereas freedpeople and their advocates call for economic independence and criticize the Unionist government’s failure to implement racial equality. The cotton region witnesses continuing conflict over the new labor arrangements, with freedpeople pushing for alternatives to wage labor and access to land. The Davis Bend community underscores black aspirations for economic independence, while reports of the reenslavement of freedpeople along the Mississippi River illustrate the desperation of former slaveholders to preserve slavery.