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Law is both shaped by and a vehicle for hierarchically structured dichotomies that fragment life, thought and action – most enduringly the split between scholarship and activism. This article revisits investigación militante, a Latin American and Caribbean tradition that rejects the separation between theory and practice, and between academic inquiry and political struggle. Through the work of Orlando Fals Borda, Lélia Gonzalez and Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, we explore how investigación militante offers a distinctive onto-epistemological and ethical orientation for law and society research. Concepts such as senti-pensar, amefricanidade and ch’ixi open up approaches to law as a terrain for co-producing alternative normativities. We identify three core commitments – methodological, political and ethical – that distinguish investigación militante from adjacent approaches such as movement lawyering, offering critical resources for re-imagining law and society praxis amid intersecting planetary crises.
Our objective was to explore procedures and methods used at health technology assessment (HTA) agencies for assessing medical devices and the underlying views of HTA practitioners about appropriate methodology to identify challenges in adopting new methodologies for assessing devices. We focused on the role of normative commitments of HTA practitioners in the adoption of new methods.
Methods
An online survey, including questions on procedures, scoping, and assessments of medical devices, was sent to members of the International Network of Agencies for Health Technology Assessment. Interviews were conducted with survey respondents and HTA practitioners involved in assessments of transcatheter aortic valve implantation to gain an in-depth understanding of choices made and views about assessing medical devices. Survey and interview questions were inspired by the “values in doing assessments of health technologies” approach towards HTA, which states that HTA addresses value-laden questions and information.
Results
The current practice of assessing medical devices at HTA agencies is predominantly based on procedures, methods, and epistemological principles developed for assessments of drugs. Both practical factors (available time, demands of decision-makers, existing legal frameworks, and HTA guidelines), as well as commitments of HTA practitioners to principles of evidence-based medicine, make the adoption of a new methodology difficult.
Conclusions
There is a broad recognition that assessments of medical devices may need changes in HTA methodology. In order to realize this, the HTA community may require both a discussion on the role, responsibility, and goals of HTA, and resulting changes in institutional context to adopt new methodologies.
As scholars and activists seek to define and promote greater corporate political responsibility (CPR), they will benefit from understanding practitioner perspectives and how executives are responding to rising scrutiny of their political influences, reputational risk and pressure from employees, customers and investors to get involved in civic, political, and societal issues. This chapter draws on firsthand conversations with practitioners, including executives in government affairs; sustainability; senior leadership; and diversity, equity and inclusion, during the launch of a university-based CPR initiative. I summarize practitioner motivations, interests, barriers and challenges related to engaging in conversations about CPR, as well as committing or acting to improve CPR. Following the summary, I present implications for further research and several possible paths forward, including leveraging practitioners’ value on accountability, sustaining external calls for transparency, strengthening awareness of systems, and reframing CPR as part of a larger dialogue around society’s “social contract.”
This chapter examines the implicit-procedural balancing tools, embedded in the exercise of the competition enforcers’ discretion and priority setting powers. Modernisation has entrusted the Commission and NCAs with a new balancing tool in the form of their discretional enforcement powers. Moreover, it has incentivised the Commission and NCAs to direct their enforcement efforts towards clear-cut infringements of Article 101 TFEU, which are unlikely to be justified by overriding non-competition interests. The competition enforcers have used their detection, target, instrument, and outcome discretion to decide not to enforce Article 101 TFEU against other types of agreements even when they do not meet the conditions for an exception under Article 101(1) and (3) TFEU. As a result, investigations into agreements that raised balancing questions were often settled with negotiated remedies or terminated by closing the probe into the case altogether. The chapter investigated various aspects of priority setting, including the selection of a strategy for identifying anti-competitive behaviour; the choice of whether to open an investigation and pursue a case; choice of enforcement instrument (sector regulation, markets-work, informal opinions, and the effect on trade test); and selection of remedies (fines, commitments, and findings of inapplicability).
This chapter examines the implicit-procedural balancing tools, embedded in the exercise of the competition enforcers’ discretion and priority setting powers. Modernisation has entrusted the Commission and NCAs with a new balancing tool in the form of their discretional enforcement powers. Moreover, it has incentivised the Commission and NCAs to direct their enforcement efforts towards clear-cut infringements of Article 101 TFEU, which are unlikely to be justified by overriding non-competition interests. The competition enforcers have used their detection, target, instrument, and outcome discretion to decide not to enforce Article 101 TFEU against other types of agreements even when they do not meet the conditions for an exception under Article 101(1) and (3) TFEU. As a result, investigations into agreements that raised balancing questions were often settled with negotiated remedies or terminated by closing the probe into the case altogether. The chapter investigated various aspects of priority setting, including the selection of a strategy for identifying anti-competitive behaviour; the choice of whether to open an investigation and pursue a case; choice of enforcement instrument (sector regulation, markets-work, informal opinions, and the effect on trade test); and selection of remedies (fines, commitments, and findings of inapplicability).
The chapter looks into the effectiveness of commitment decisions by reviewing selected examples from the European Commission’s jurisdiction. Proceedings with a considerable or often a very high degree of similarity in the air traffic, energy and payment-card industries provide useful insights into the extent to which the preceding decisions influence the behaviour of market participants and the approach taken by the Commission. The author concludes that commitment decisions are likely to be followed by other commitment decisions in similar cases and there is little evidence to suggest that market players voluntarily adjust their behaviour following a commitment case. A few recent examples suggest that this approach might not hold universally, leaving the actual impact of the commitment decisions challenging to forecast. It is argued that the limited deterrence and negative effect on legal certainty in the end limits the advantages of commitment decisions, as procedural efficiencies might evaporate if similar proceedings occur time after time. This, ultimately, may call into question the effectiveness of this tool, as practical examples suggest that the theoretical advantages are often not realised, while the negative effects on legal certainty and the limited deterrence effect are prominent.
In the US, consent judgments, decrees, or orders entered into between merging parties and government are a longstanding tradition. There are three key components to such consensus-based remedies. First, the remedies are not truly a consensus. The second notion is one of transparency: the remedies proposed in such settlements are made public. The nature of the theories of harm the remedies seek to mitigate are public as well. The third notion is typically a question of the overall merits of the remedy. Whether or not a merger remedy is in the public interest is a broad question. This chapter details the common provisions of the Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission’s settlements, alongside the EU Commission’s settlements. It looks for common weaknesses between the methods of settlement deployed, and the harms to competition that might arise from such systems. It concludes that competition policy is increasingly regulatory and non-adjudicatory. To the extent that consent settlements are important and prominent, it would make sense to have stakeholders have some significant say in the settlement. Lack of meaningful judicial review assures that any concerns are ignored. The authors critically note that lack of transparency assures that any concerns not listed in the proposed settlement are not properly addressed.
This chapter discusses the institutional set-up and procedural design of a possible future European market investigation regime. The institutional framework and procedural rules must be tailored to promote the core goals of the new instrument, namely to address competition problems that do not primarily follow from conduct, but from „features of the market“, such that a European market investigation – contrary to traditional infringement proceedings – will not be of a quasi-criminal nature, but a purely administrative proceedings, and to allow for a particular timely intervention. Against this background, the following questions are raised: How does the market investigation regime interact with Article 101 and 102 TFEU enforcement and sector inquiries at the EU level and at the national level? How can the procedure be structured such as to allow for a timely and effective intervention? What can be done to allow for a less adversarial and more participative interaction between the Commission and market actors? Furthermore, the remedial regime, voluntary commitments, the possibility for interim measures and judicial review are discussed.
It was early in the morning of October 5, 2015 when the trade ministers of twelve countries announced in Atlanta, Georgia, the successful conclusion of a seven-year, extremely complex negotiating effort known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP). The TPP was formally signed four months after its conclusion, on February 4, 2016, in Auckland, New Zealand, apparently heralding a new momentum for international trade and investment liberalization.
The South American Funds National Exchequer was established in 1818 to contribute to the consolidation of the public debt of Buenos Aires. It was the first financial innovation since the revolutionary outbreak in Buenos Aires, and its failure allowed the authorities to understand the limits of the fiscal and financial commitment they proposed by means of that institution. Its suppression, in 1821, offered an antecedent to develop a deep reform of the financial institutional matrix of Buenos Aires, based on the Public Credit office, the Amortization Exchequer and the Bank of Buenos Aires. The South American Funds National Exchequer was, thus, the first movement in the negotiation on the terms of the financial commitment assumed by the nascent State. This paper analyzes the 973 accounting entries of the institution, providing an interpretation of that failure and its importance for the course of public finances in Buenos Aires.
In a series of articles, Asbjørn Steglich-Petersen and Nick Zangwill argue that, since propositional attitude (PA) ascription judgements do not behave like normative judgements in being subject to a priori normative supervenience and the Because Constraint, PAs cannot be constitutively normative.1 I argue that, for a specific version of normativism, according to which PAs are normative commitments, these arguments fail. To this end, I argue that commitments and obligations should be distinguished. Then, I show that the intuitions allegedly governing all normative judgements do not even purport to hold for commitment-attributing judgements.
As commitment devices, international institutions encourage cooperation by imposing costs on members who do not live up to their commitments. However, the costs that institutions can impose are limited, so that their commitment capacity is weak. Institutions can also impose costs as a condition of membership, allowing them to serve as costly signals. A model of weak commitment and costly signaling leads to a number of hypotheses about patterns of cooperation, institutional membership, and states’ preferences over institutional design. For example, existing members of an institution should impose higher ex ante costs when a potential new member could either gain significant benefits from reneging on their commitments in the future, and when the new member expects to gain high benefits from future cooperation. These results are consistent with empirical work on institutions including peacekeeping and the World Trade Organization.
To review the available literature on accountability frameworks to construct a framework that is relevant to voluntary partnerships between government and food industry stakeholders.
Design
Between November 2012 and May 2013, a desk review of ten databases was conducted to identify principles, conceptual frameworks, underlying theories, and strengths and limitations of existing accountability frameworks for institutional performance to construct a new framework relevant to promoting healthy food environments.
Setting
Food policy contexts within high-income countries to address obesity and diet-related non-communicable diseases.
Subjects
Eligible resources (n 26) were reviewed and the guiding principles of fifteen interdisciplinary frameworks were used to construct a new accountability framework.
Results
Strengths included shared principles across existing frameworks, such as trust, inclusivity, transparency and verification; government leadership and good governance; public deliberations; independent bodies recognizing compliance and performance achievements; remedial actions to improve accountability systems; and capacity to manage conflicts of interest and settle disputes. Limitations of the three-step frameworks and ‘mutual accountability’ approach were an explicit absence of an empowered authority to hold all stakeholders to account for their performance.
Conclusions
We propose a four-step accountability framework to guide government and food industry engagement to address unhealthy food environments as part of a broader government-led strategy to address obesity and diet-related non-communicable diseases. An independent body develops clear objectives, a governance process and performance standards for all stakeholders to address unhealthy food environments. The empowered body takes account (assessment), shares the account (communication), holds to account (enforcement) and responds to the account (improvements).
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