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This is a general presentation of the book. The central thesis of the book is that the law of neutrality remains relevant in contemporary international law because of in an armed conflict, third non-participating States do not remain unaffected. There is a presentation of the basic argument in each chapter.
A personal note, written by a Syrian human rights activist and political dissident. Dr Allabwani became an opponent of the Baathist rule in 1981 (during Hafez al-Assad’s Presidency), having witnessed the Hama massacre during his compulsory military service as a medical doctor. In 2000, when Bashar al-Assad became president, Dr. Allabwani took part in meetings of activists who called for political reforms and the strengthening of civil society and institutions, later known as the ’Damascus Spring’. Dr Allabwani was arrested for his involvement and was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment, where he was held in solitary confinement. In this epilogue, Allabwani describes his perspective of the Syrian conflict and his vision for Syria – for the state he hopes one day his country will become but which, at this juncture, seems as remote as ever.
The Syrian war’s most fundamental characteristic is the systematic disregard for the most basic rules of international law – and notably international humanitarian law – displayed by its belligerents. The result has been unparalleled human suffering, the scale, complexity, and severity of which are yet to be fully understood. This chapter looks briefly at the unrest that preceded the Syrian conflict before focusing on those violations of international humanitarian law which quickly became hallmarks of the Syrian war. It gives particular focus to two violations of international humanitarian law: the conducting of indiscriminate attacks, including attacks by governments and armed groups; and the use of chemical weapons on the battlefield and the investigations to determine the perpetrator(s). Finally, it asks whether the Syrian conflict represents a nadir in the international community’s response to a war where international humanitarian law is breached with impunity and, if so, whether the value of the law of wars has been eroded.
By far the greatest reason for the ultimate success of the American war effort was the nation's economic resources, which it shared generously with its allies. The impressive performance of American military power and economic resources was matched, and sustained, by an ideological offensive led by President Wilson. This was not surprising in view of his keen interest, prior to 1917, in shaping the world to come after the war. Now that the United States was in the war, however, the aspirations of a neutral nation's leader developed into official enunciations of principles that were to guide the deliberations of the belligerents as they groped for peace. When the belligerents met in Paris at the beginning of 1919 to consider peace terms, American and Japanese forces were still in Siberia. Lenin, for his part, considered it prudent to retain some connection with the Western nations, in particular the United States, the country that would have the most to offer economically.
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