The Russia-Ukraine war generates fear, depression, loneliness, burnout and substance misuse among civilians. Our study examines mental health among Ukrainian university female students during 3 years of war. A total of 3,467 students were surveyed on three occasions: August to October 2022 (T1, n = 1,416), March to July 2023 (T2, n = 747) and September to November 2024 (T3, n = 1,304). The respondent’s average age was 19.3 years, 25.3% identified as secular and 36.9% were married/partnered. The respondents included 81.2% who were not relocated, 10.7% who were internally displaced and 8.1% who were refugees. Valid and reliable survey instruments were used to gather data. One-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) shows a significant decrease in fear of war, depression and burnout in 2023 compared to 2022; however, there was a marked increase in 2024. Regardless of the survey period, one-way ANOVA shows a significant difference in fear of war and burnout scores associated with depression and loneliness levels. Stepwise regression analysis shows fear of war, depression and loneliness associated with burnout. This study provides usable information for mental health services planning and intervention purposes associated with young women affected by war in Ukraine. Additionally, it has relevance for training to address client and service personnel needs, for academic curriculum development and course instruction, and as a reference source for mental health personnel addressing student needs.

Michael Blake, Yuna Blajer de la Garza, and Alex Zakaras offer insightful critiques of several arguments central to my book Beyond the Law’s Reach? In the process, they raise large questions in political philosophy more generally, especially as it pertains to global affairs. Blake is skeptical about the distinction, driving much of the book, between consolidated liberal democracies and jurisdictions where the “shadow of violence” prevails. Blajer de la Garza worries that the international reparative duties that the book highlights may linger indefinitely, and, consequently, be exploited by cynical political actors. Finally, whereas Beyond the Law’s Reach? argues that liberal democracies’ collective integrity is affected by their entanglement in violence and corruption abroad, Zakaras doubts whether this collective moral problem carries over into the individual level, given individual citizens’ reasonable ignorance of policy details. I offer responses to each of these critiques in turn. I conclude by highlighting the picture of democratic civic responsibility that emerges from these responses.

The Silurian of Podolia, Ukraine, is renowned for its arthropod fauna, including eurypterids and the synziphosurine Pasternakevia. Here, we describe one of several new arthropods recently discovered in the vicinity of the Smotrych River. Smotrychaspis kurtopleurae gen. et sp. nov. is a synziphosurine euchelicerate with semicircular carapace lacking eyes, an unfused opisthosoma with 11 visible segments, the posterior tergites wide and bearing falcate epimera and a relatively long and stout telson. Smotrychaspis resembles pseudoniscid and bunodid synziphosurines but cannot be placed in either of these families.

This study presents data on helminth communities from 93 Hooded Crows (Corvus cornix). The dataset includes historical and contemporary records from three localities in Ukraine with different levels of urbanisation: Kyiv, the Middle Dnipro River, and Polissya. Thirty-two helminth species were identified, including 14 trematodes, six cestodes, 11 nematodes, and one acanthocephalan. The nematodes Eufilariella delicata and Hadjelia truncata are documented in Hooded Crows for the first time. During the statistical analysis, it was revealed that the used dataset is insufficient for robust inference regarding the impact of urbanisation on helminth communities due to its temporal and spatial biases. Despite the limitation, the data offer information for future research on the influence of urbanisation on helminth biodiversity in avian hosts.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine catalysed a shift in the security and defence policies of the European Union (EU) and its member states. Notably, the deployment of the European Peace Facility (EPF) to finance lethal military materiel for Ukraine has been described as a gamechanger for the EU. This article explores to what extent and how the policy shift regarding the EPF signals broader evolution in EU strategic agency. Contributing to the study of European strategic cultures, the article investigates dynamics of change and convergence in the strategic discourses of the EU and selected member states regarding the EPF amid the exogenous shock and policy shift. Specifically, the article first traces the evolution of the EU’s strategic narrative and its use of the EPF before and after the invasion. Second, drawing on interview data, it analyses four member states’ approaches to this instrument. The findings point to a changed strategic narrative and an evolving practice regarding EU military assistance, highlighting the EU institutions’ initiative-making power in crisis. While the member states continue to use the EPF for varying purposes, the joint experience of using the tool contributed to shifting national perspectives and growing consensus on the utility of EU security agency.

Psychosocial programs in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC) often omit cognitive strategies due to perceived difficulty for clients and lay providers. We evaluated the benefit of including “cognitive coping” in a brief, online intervention for conflict-affected Ukrainian veterans and family members with mild to moderate psychosocial distress. Participants were randomized to two treatment conditions based on the Common Elements Treatment Approach Psychosocial Program (CPSS). CPSS-Basic (CPSS-B) included a self-assessment, safety screening and psychoeducation. CPSS-Enhanced (CPSS-E) included these as well as cognitive coping. Distress, functional impairment, alcohol use, aggression, social disconnectedness and conflict resolution were assessed after one month. Participants also evaluated program accessibility, acceptability, appropriateness, feasibility and adoption. Of 1,177 study participants, 788 (67%) completed follow-up. Both conditions significantly improved distress, functional impairment, aggression and social disconnectedness; CPSS-E producing a greater reduction in distress than CPSS-B (ES: d = .22, p = .002). Implementation outcomes were positive across conditions, favoring CPSS-E for appropriateness (d = .48, 95% CI: .33, .62), feasibility (d = .15, 95% CI: .00, .29), adoption (d = .34, 95% CI: .19, .48) and acceptability (d = .29, 95% CI: .15, .44). Findings support the feasibility and added value of incorporating cognitive techniques into psychosocial programming in LMIC.

The circular economy has long been regarded as a fundamental strategy for achieving sustainable development. Most recently, it has also been acknowledged as an effective approach to crisis response. This study contributes to this nascent literature by introducing a dual hierarchy of 6Rs strategies as an inspiring framework for circular post-disaster recovery and reconstruction, supporting the “Build Back Better” principle through circular initiatives. The key distinction between the proposed hierarchy and the traditional 6Rs framework lies in the two-vector operationalization of each strategy, addressing both past and future considerations. Also, this article examines the case of war-torn Ukraine as one of the most severe man-made disasters. The study explores Ukraine’s potential for circular recovery within the framework of European Union policies in the construction sector.

Scholarship has identified key determinants of people’s belief in misinformation predominantly from English-language contexts. However, multilingual citizens often consume news media in multiple languages. We study how the language of consumption affects belief in misinformation and true news articles in multilingual environments. We suggest that language may pass on specific cues affecting how bilinguals evaluate information. In a ten-week survey experiment with bilingual adults in Ukraine, we measured if subjects evaluating information in their less-preferred language were less likely to believe it. We find those who prefer Ukrainian are less likely to believe both false and true stories written in Russian by approximately 0.2 standard deviation units. Conversely, those who prefer Russian show increased belief in false stories in Ukrainian, though this effect is less robust. A secondary digital media literacy intervention does not increase discernment as it reduces belief in both true and false stories equally.

Animals routinely suffer violence by humans, especially during war, but it is unclear how much people in conflict environments express concern for animal welfare. Based on a 2,008-person survey in Ukraine in May 2024, we find that respondents are anthropocentric, prioritizing human over animal suffering; biocentric, regarding both as important; or, in a small minority, zoocentric, emphasizing animal over human suffering. Experimental priming on violence against animals during the Russia–Ukraine war has limited effect on changing attitudes toward animal welfare, but it does increase resource allocation to animal relief organizations. A war crimes punishment experiment also shows that while respondents sanction perpetrators of human suffering more severely than perpetrators of animal suffering, violence against animals is still strongly penalized, indicating appreciation for animal rights, justice, and accountability. We reflect on the implications of our findings for speciesist versus posthumanist understandings of suffering during war.

Situated at the intersection of language rights, nation-building processes, and security issues, this article analyzes language policies in Ukraine in the three decades since its independence (1991–2021). It traces the legal evolution and decisions of the Ukrainian Constitutional Court, identifying the specific ideological approaches towards language issues that emerge in such a development. We distinguish four periods in the evolution of Ukrainian laws, highlighting how these stages reflect specific ontological and societal (in)securities and related securitization processes, and their intersection with the process of nation-building and the role assigned to the Ukrainian language in such a process. In this way, the article discusses how, in light of the Soviet legacy and Russian kin-state activism and geopolitical agenda, Ukraine has moved to adopt a more assertive nationalizing approach to language issues that aim at promoting Ukrainian as the state language. Russia’s aggressive actions accelerated the ongoing nation-building process, interplaying with the relevance assigned to the Ukrainian language for the Ukrainian nation-state as well as the country’s ontological and societal (in)securities. In this way, our contribution complements our understanding of language policies, bringing to light the connections of their evolution and variations with how security concerns affect nation-building processes.