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Four questions are answered as to the way transnational commercial law has developed and the continuing role of English commercial law (1) What are the advantages English commercial law retains? These include the strength of English law (such as freedom of contract, certainty, predictability, borrowing concepts and innovation), English courts and arbitration, the legal profession (2) What are the issues facing English commercial law? These include profound changes in commerce and the development of transnational law, the change in the UK’s trading and industrial position, competition and inherent problems of English commercial law. (3) What are the options for enabling English commercial law to maintain its position? These include strengthening the development of English case law as internationalist in outlook, promoting codification and restatements, strengthening the engagement with the development of transnational law including UNIDROIT and UNCITRAL, the role of SIFOCC, the ALI and the ELI and the development of principles of transnational law by commercial courts (4) What conclusions can be drawn on the future of the law for transnational commerce? – the role the UK through leadership.
Four questions are answered as to emergence of a dominant system used for transnational commerce (1) What are the key strengths of English commercial that meet the needs of transnational commerce? The benefits of English commercial law to the UK are explained. (2) Are the profound and fast-moving changes to global trade and commerce that commercial law faces ( such as digitalisation, AI, climate change, sustainability, and international labour standards) of a different order of magnitude to that seen hitherto? (3) What was it that enabled English commercial law to develop and adapt so successfully to become the dominant national system used in transnational commerce? These include the dominance of the UK in entrepreneurial activity and trading, the significant role of the commercial courts and their relationship to the markets, the use of procedure, the use by the judges of foreign law, and systematisation through legal text books (4) How did English commercial law successfully engage with the moves beginning in the 1870s towards creating transnational law for some aspects of commerce – the York Antwerp Rules, the Hague Rules, the ICC UCP, UNIDROIT, CHHC and UNCITRAL?
In the 75th Hamlyn Lectures, former Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales Lord Thomas examines Welsh law and the law used for transnational commerce to assess what laws are best national in their application and which are best transnational. He first argues that Wales as a nation should be able to make its own laws on the basis of clear principles and sets out possible solutions to the issues raised by the devolution of law-making powers in 1999. He then explains the success of English commercial law in attaining transnational use and examines the emergence of transnational law from the late nineteenth century. At a time of unprecedented change and competition, his analysis of the present position of the use of English law for transnational commerce and the challenges it faces provides the essential context for a series of practical options for its continued use in the future.
States increasingly confront security threats from exiled economic elites who retain power through offshore wealth, political influence, and informational leverage. This paper introduces the concept of weaponised legal dependence to explain why and how states file commercial lawsuits against their own citizens in foreign courts – particularly in global legal hubs like London – to neutralise these transnational plutocratic threats. While conventional tools of transnational repression (e.g., extradition, abduction, information warfare) target dissidents’ legitimacy or messaging power, only foreign litigation can directly constrain the material assets that underpin a plutocrat’s influence. However, initiating extraterritorial claims is costly, risky, and entails a partial surrender of sovereignty to liberal jurisdictions. I argue that states resort to these legal strategies when they face power parity with plutocrats – situations where neither side has hierarchical control, prompting political conflict to spill into foreign legal systems under the guise of commercial dispute. Drawing on 60 interviews with legal practitioners and case studies from Russia and Kazakhstan, this paper shows how states instrumentalise the credibility of liberal legal institutions to reclaim offshore assets and delegitimise their rivals. In doing so, illiberal regimes exploit liberal infrastructure, turning courts meant to enforce commercial norms into battlegrounds of domestic power politics.
As global crises like inequality, climate change and financial instability intensify, ‘resilience’ has emerged as a central concept in international governance and law. The appeal lies in what scholars call the ‘resilience dividend’ – the promise that systems can recover and adapt when facing external shocks. This article critically examines how resilience has been adopted in international and transnational law, with a particular focus on transnational financial regulation. The article analyses the Bank for International Settlements (BIS)’ work on the resilience of central counterparties, which represents the most extended elaboration on resilience in transnational financial regulation. Rather than accepting resilience as an unqualified good, a more cautious approach is suggested. Resilience risks perpetuating existing injustices and reinforcing neoliberal structures by emphasising survival and adaptation over addressing the root causes of crises. Accordingly, resilience needs to be seen as an ambivalent concept that only through its specification one can determine its possible impact.
Grand corruption-systemic, large-scale, and top-down misappropriation of public resources for private gain-remains a pervasive problem around the world. It affects the ability of governments to educate, feed, and care for their people. It undermines human rights, perpetuates impunity, and erodes trust in government and the judiciary. It strengthens disgruntlement, authoritarianism, and insurgency. Corruption, however, is not a static force. In this work, Naomi Roht-Arriaza explores how corruption has changed, and how new anti-corruption thinking, especially in Latin America, centers human rights, victims' access to justice, and reparations. Roht-Arriaza shows how activists have used outside pressure and support for local actors where state institutions have been captured and foregrounds anti-corruption considerations in dealing with transitional justice and atrocity crimes. Written with engaging stories and examples, this book will appeal to lawyers, scholars of Latin America, and anyone else interested in fighting kleptocrats with the goal of reclaiming the common good.
Modern slavery is an amalgam of legal concepts defined in international law united by a shared characteristic – they are all forms of unfree labour: one person deprives another person of their freedom for profit. The introduction explains how unfree labour involving migrant workers and supply chains is particularly troublesome for states to govern because these transnational vectors do not fit within the ‘default’ territorial format of legal jurisdiction and, thus, challenge traditional ideas of state sovereignty. It treats modern slavery laws, which combine international, national, and (sometimes) regional laws, as an example of transnational law and shows how, in this context, the nation state is but one among an assemblage of governance actors. It develops a multidimensional conception of jurisdiction to explore the transnational legal governance of unfree labour and to illustrate how modern slavery laws reconfigure traditional understandings of sovereignty.
In a period of rising threats to constitutional government within countries and among them, it is a crucial time to study the rule of law in transnational context. This framework chapter defines core concepts, analyzes the relation between national and international law and institutions from a rule-of-law perspective, and assesses the extent to which rule-of-law practices are shifting at the domestic and international levels in parallel. Part I explains our conceptualization of the rule of law, necessary for the orientation of empirical study and policy responses. Following Martin Krygier, we formulate a teleological conception of the rule of law in terms of goals and practices, which, in turn, calls for an assessment of institutional mechanisms to advance these goals, given varying social conditions and contexts. Part II sets forth the ways in which international law and institutions are important for rule-of-law ends, as well as their pathologies, since power is also exercised beyond the state in an interconnected world. Part III examines empirical indicators of the decline of the rule of law at the national and international levels. It notes factors that could explain such decline, and why such factors appear to be transnationally linked. Part IV discusses what might be done given these shifts in rule-of-law protections. In conclusion, we note the implications of viewing the rule of law in transnational context for conceptual theory, empirical study, and policy response.
After a moment that was characterized by a flurry of constitutional reforms and elections, coups have returned in some states in Western, Central, and Sahel regions in Africa. The rule of law and democratic governance have come under significant stress. A confluence of events – colonial legacies, uprisings, regional conflicts, term elongation, challenges to the dynastic style of leadership, and the rising incidence of coups – challenge the entrenchment of the rule of law in contemporary Africa. Focusing on the period between 2020 and 2023, the chapter asks: Against the background of recent coups, how should we analyze the rule of law in contemporary Africa? Is the decline of the rule of law and democratic governance in sub-Saharan Africa as a region overstated, given that the coups are concentrated in Francophone West and the Central Africa? How should we think of the role of geopolitical contestations and colonial linkages in unsettling democratic regimes and eroding the rule of law in Africa?
What is territoriality, if we consider it from a maritime, rather than landed perspective? And how should borders be reconsidered, if we assume that the nonsovereign space of world seas is constitutive of politics, rather than exceptional to it? To answer this question, this chapter adopts a processual approach to international legal theory and outlines a vast trajectory. Sources from antiquity display an imagination of maritime spaces as an exteriority in relations to politics. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, classical international lawyers formulated an international law of the sea that sought global applicability. This was what is called here “the first internalization” of the sea. A second internalization is currently underway, in which a central tenet of the first, freedom of movement at sea, is now being questioned. It is argued in this chapter that if we are to understand territoriality, we must reject the premise of universal territoriality and understand it (also) from the position of nonterritoriality which is offered to us by the sea. In other words, the two internalizations are crucial for a processual understanding of territoriality. The chapter concludes with reflections on how traces of exteriority, beyond both internalizations, can be utilized for the purpose of political action.
One year ago, the Qatar World Cup was in full swing, and Qatar was omnipresent in our public and private spheres. For many, the Qatar 2022 World Cup will forever be intimately connected with the plight of migrant workers. This Article dives into the confluence of spectacle, counter-marketing, international—labor and human rights—law, and local reforms, which came together in the long decade which followed FIFA’s fateful decision in December 2010 to give the 2022 World Cup to Qatar. It starts by situating the FIFA World Cup 2022 within Qatar’s drive for soft power and nation branding, before turning to re-counting how the 2022 World Cup was “ambushed” in the name of Qatar’s migrant workers and their rights, putting the issue on the global agenda and triggering the involvement of the ILO. Thereafter, the Article discusses the effects of this ambush counter-marketing by engaging with the labor reforms introduced by the Qatari government, while highlighting their limits in terms of scope and implementation. The Article concludes with a general discussion on the blind spots and shortcomings of the turn to counter-marketing as a strategy to vindicate international human rights or labor rights.
Edited by
Seth Davis, University of California, Berkeley School of Law,Thilo Kuntz, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf,Gregory Shaffer, Georgetown University Law Center, Washington DC
The aim of this chapter is twofold. First, it is a comparative study on the potential benefits and limitations of applying fiduciary law in a “hard case.” This analysis is inductive in nature. It aims at contributing to a better understanding of fiduciary law doctrines in both common and civil law jurisdictions. Second, the chapter focuses on specific transnational processes that may shape fiduciary norms. In particular, it analyzes the influence of transnational private ordering on the establishment of fiduciary duties in state law.
Edited by
Seth Davis, University of California, Berkeley School of Law,Thilo Kuntz, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf,Gregory Shaffer, Georgetown University Law Center, Washington DC
This chapter explores the intersection of transnational law with contemporary corporate governance laws and principles. Corporate governance, with its complex array of public and private actors, fits naturally within the modern concept of transnational law as a species of law that "can no longer be viewed through a purely national lens." Financial markets today are global and interconnected and events, such as the 2007-2009 global financial crisis and the COVID-19 crisis, exemplify the risk of contagion across those markets. Not only can corporate governance problems transcend national boundaries, so too can their solutions, which often involve regulatory efforts that operate at a transnational level. The chapter explores, from a transnational perspective, the transmission of laws and norms that are designed to constrain directors’ conduct and enhance corporate accountability. It focuses on two key examples of such accountability mechanisms-fiduciary duties and corporate codes. The chapter examines, for example, the global transmission of corporate governance and shareholder stewardship codes. These codes, which are a relatively recent phenomenon, play an important role as “norm creators.” The chapter assesses the transmission of laws and norms against the backdrop of convergence and path dependence theories of corporate governance.
Edited by
Seth Davis, University of California, Berkeley School of Law,Thilo Kuntz, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf,Gregory Shaffer, Georgetown University Law Center, Washington DC
I argue that transnational law has a formal legal character. To do so, I build on socio-legal scholarship in this domain, but apply a jurisprudential perspective. Specifically, I argue that public fiduciary theory is well-placed to explain the nature of authority evoked by transnational legal orders, as well as their legal features and constitution. This theory claims that the fiduciary character of an organization - that is, its other-regarding purpose and adherence to certain procedural standards - is a necessary feature of its claim to legitimate authority. By addressing these jurisprudential questions, public fiduciary theory contests scholars who deny transnational law’s formal legal character. Ultimately, I argue that despite the private constitution of some transnational lawmaking bodies, and their lack of express public authorization, by fulfilling a transnational fiduciary role they exercise authority that either is or closely resembles public authority. This, in turn, contributes to the legal character of the transnational norms these bodies generate. I use the International Organization for Standardization as an illustrative case study. The implications of this approach include acknowledging that law can exist beyond national or international state regulation, and a denial that coercion is an essential element of law.
Edited by
Seth Davis, University of California, Berkeley School of Law,Thilo Kuntz, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf,Gregory Shaffer, Georgetown University Law Center, Washington DC
Fiduciaries frequently confront transnational situations. Lawyers – an archetypal class of fiduciary – have long counseled participants in cross-border transactions and conducted their own activities transnationally.1 Financial institutions – firms that often act in a fiduciary capacity2 – have provided products transnationally for centuries.3
Edited by
Seth Davis, University of California, Berkeley School of Law,Thilo Kuntz, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf,Gregory Shaffer, Georgetown University Law Center, Washington DC
This chapter will use the historical evolution of fiduciary norms in Japan and East Asia to examine the intersection of fiduciary law and transnational legal ordering theory. Various strands of fiduciary notions arrived in East Asia as part of modernization effort beginning in the late nineteenth century. The civilian regulation of conflicted transactions and duty of care was introduced in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan as part of Civil Code and Commercial Code, which was followed by statutory introduction of common law trust in early twentieth century, and American corporate governance theory after World War II. Singapore and Hong Kong adopted English common law and equity jurisprudence along with legislations that follow UK and Commonwealth models, which were frequently updated to meet the demands of international financial market. While tensions among common law, civil law, and indigenous norms were conspicuous during the early phases of modernization and reception, more recent decades of globalization have seen greater scale and dynamics of transnational interactions, most notably the rise of UK-style soft law initiative. Throughout the regional history, fiduciary norms have been shaped by shifting colonial pressures and economic hegemony, wars, revolutions, and financial crises, as well as legislative imitation and academic learning. By way of conclusion, this chapter argues that while fiduciary law presents a rich field for exploring process of transnational legal ordering, the theory of transnational legal ordering provides a valuable framework to understand both historical and contemporary evolution of fiduciary law both in individual jurisdictions and across jurisdictional borders.
Edited by
Seth Davis, University of California, Berkeley School of Law,Thilo Kuntz, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf,Gregory Shaffer, Georgetown University Law Center, Washington DC
In recent years, fiduciary law has moved toward the center of scholarly attention in the common law world.1 In spite of its “elusive” nature,2 enough instances of fiduciary relationships occur across a wide variety of legal areas that many – with good cause – describe it as a distinctive field.3 Courts as well as scholars in common law jurisdictions deal concepts and ideas concerning fiduciary law back and forth.4 Although civil law countries have no tradition of the trust as a legal institution,5 courts and scholars alike term relationships based on some kind of personal or professional trust “fiduciary.”6 German law subjects guardians,7 trustees in bankruptcy,8 attorneys,9 and others to a specific set of fiduciary duties, the most important of which is a duty of loyalty.10 France has introduced “la fiducie,” a substitute for the common law trust.11 Indeed, civil law countries have long combined property and contract law in order to fashion substitutes for the common law trust. Contract-based Treuhandverhältnisse – that is, relationships of trust – have been a staple part of the German legal discourse for several decades, if not centuries.12 And in recent years, the trust as a legal institution is gaining ground in civil law jurisdictions, following national recognition of the Hague Trust Convention by countries such as Italy and the Netherlands.13
Particularly in the context of public law, comparative law scholarship typically involves a comparison of legal norms, principles, actors, or legal institutions in different state jurisdictions or across legal traditions. The rise and increasing prevalence of transnational regulators – particularly transnational non-state regulators, but also hybrid and intergovernmental varieties – challenges this methodological default. It invites us to consider the nature of regulation across different legal regimes, some of which might be overlapping, and which, in their claims to authority, might be complementary or conflictual. Acknowledging the presence of transnational regulators within a plurality of legal orders raises questions about how state-centric regulatory institutions at the sub-national, national, regional, or international levels differ from hybrid (state/non-state) and predominantly non-state regimes, whether in terms of their functions (e.g., in terms of standard-setting, enforcement, and dispute resolution) or in terms of their relative claims to authority and political legitimacy. This chapter shows how transnational law poses a conceptual and methodological challenge for comparative lawyers, yet one that reinforces recent innovations in the comparative law field, reflected in this Handbook, that extend comparative law beyond functional comparisons of rules, legal systems, or legal traditions.
Philip Jessup’s 1956 Storrs Lectures, Transnational Law, developed a case for theorizing law beyond the state which continues to shape understandings of transnational law. Yet while transnational law has assumed increasing importance with globalization, it remains beset by conceptual difficulties. This article suggests that such difficulties are at least partly attributable to misreadings of Transnational Law primarily as proposing a more pragmatic concept to drive law’s progression. Contextualizing the Lectures within Jessup’s involvement in the US’s postwar worldmaking project and the contrasting project pursued by Third World states, and through close textual study, it contends that Transnational Law is better understood as geared to undermining the legal foundations of key efforts to counter Western dominance. It further shows how this reading can aid in clarifying misunderstandings of Jessup’s Lectures that still inform transnational law scholarship and in considering how law’s capacity to sustain inequality and exploitation may be challenged.
Recent scholarship in law and society has engaged in novel ways with maritime spaces, articulating how they inform legal theory more broadly. This essay builds on such scholarship, and on a broad-brushed survey of maritime history, to make two basic arguments. First, a look at political and legal processes regarding maritime spaces reveals that law is transnational ‘all the way down’. Legal theorists often assume that transnational legal processes are an added layer beyond domestic and international law. But the maritime perspective reveals that transnationalism comes first, both analytically and historically, as a constant negotiation of the relationship between what is ‘inside’ and what is ‘outside’ a polity. Second, the maritime space begins, at least in dominant legal traditions, as an absolute exteriority – imagined as outside or beyond polities and jurisdictions. But with the climate crisis and the emergence of the Anthropocene we may observe an inversion, the sea now appears as a record of harmful human activity; a mirror showing a troublesome collective portrait of humanity. The inversion from a maritime exteriority to the intimacy of ubiquitous environmental harm defines the parameters of law and politics today. The essay concludes with reflections on how the maritime perspective may best be engaged today in responding to that image through political action. It conceptualizes what I call the ‘commonist lifeboat’ – a model of bottom-up universalism for tumultuous times.