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Sectarian divisions within the Islamic world have long been misunderstood and misconstrued by the media and the general public. In this book, Adam R. Gaiser offers an accessible introduction to the main Muslim sects and schools, returning to the roots of the sectarian divide in the Medieval period. Beginning with the death of Muhammed and the ensuing debate over who would succeed him, Gaiser outlines how the umma (Muslim community) came to be divided. He traces the history of the main Muslim sects and schools – the Sunnis, Shi'ites, Kharijites, Mu'tazila and Murji'a – and shows how they emerged, developed, and diverged from one another. Exploring how medieval Muslims understood the idea of 'sect', Gaiser challenges readers to consider the usefulness and scope of the concept of 'sectarianism' in this historical context. Providing an overview of the main Muslim sects while problematising the assumptions of previous scholarship, this is a valuable resource for both new and experienced readers of Islamic history.
In the Islamic Ecumene shared religious principles intertwined with other foundational beliefs, which harkened back to the Turkic-Mongol tradition of the Islamic empires, providing cultural unity. The Islamic World constituted an international society despite the absence of a clear hegemonic power. Institutions, laws, and collective beliefs embodied in everyday practices, rituals, and even the design of buildings and cities provided unity in a heterogeneous and diverse Islamic ecumene.
This article reconsiders military politics in Syria prior to the 1963 Baʿthi power grab in light of new sources. I undermine the presumptions that Baʿthi tactics of sectarian favoritism in the armed forces were unprecedented in post-independence Syria. I make the following arguments: first, attempts by the Sunni power elite to tame Syrian minorities were part of a broad sequence of events that spanned several regimes and informed politics in the Syrian officer corps; second, the various military strongmen who ruled Damascus intermittently from 1949 until 1963 distrusted minority officers and relied mainly on fellow Sunnis to exert control in the armed forces; and third, the combination of minority marginalization in Syrian politics and Sunni preferentialism inside the armed forces bred enmity and polarized sectarian relations in the officer corps.
The stereotype of the ‘terrible Turk’ has long existed alongside the romantic view of a multicultural, cosmopolitan Ottoman Empire. Assertions of Ottoman ‘tolerance’ have been very enduring even in the academic literature. In recent decades Ottoman historians have worked hard to historicise both violence and more peaceful relations, between both state and society and within society itself. Tolerance is now better understood as a strategy of rule rather than a value in and of itself. In addition, this was a far-flung empire that lasted for over 600 years, and no one model can hold for all places and all times within the sultan’s domains. Beginning with the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans in the fourteenth century, this chapter considers not only more familiar topics, such as non-Muslim conversion to Islam, but also highlights the fact that most religious persecution in the empire, when it occurred, was directed at non-conforming Muslims, however defined. The rise of the Shi’a Safavid Empire in the east and the ruling elite’s close relationship to Sufi Islam were both major sources of tension and, at times, outright violence. At the same time, communal elites usually shared a strong interest in the maintenance of religious boundaries; this attitude contributed to social peace.
In the midst of states held together by direct military power alone, the Ismā‘īlīs, or "Assassins of Alamϋt", formed a challenging exception. In the cultural life of the time, moreover, the Ismā‘īlī state played a perceptible role, even to the point of acting as host to prominent non-Ismā‘īlī intellectuals. Shi‘is had never been satisfied with the compromises of official Muslim life, which Sunnis had accepted as more or less inevitable up to a point. The Ismā‘īlīs of the Iranian highlands and the Fertile Crescent were not destined to overthrow the Saljuqs but rather to found a society apart, which was set over against Muslim society as a whole. The rigor and self-sufficiency of the doctrine were appropriate to the new sternness required of a movement in active and universal revolt. The justification of the schism, however, was quite legitimately doctrinal.
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