This article explains why the Netherlands, uniquely among major European states, issued a sovereign apology for its role in transatlantic slavery in December 2022 while comparable states, notably the United Kingdom, have not. Using process tracing and an analytically eclectic framework, the apology activation model, or AAM, identifies three interlocking conditions that activate sovereign apologies: institutional openness that admits minoritized voices into competitive politics; influential domestic allies who translate transnational pressure into parliamentary and executive action; and a cohesive, domestically represented victim constituency able to sustain claims and shape framing. The Dutch case shows how forward-looking framing and strategic localization converted CARICOM and EU pressure into parliamentary commitment, a policy package, and a durable reparative agenda despite mixed public opinion; the UK comparison demonstrates that international advocacy alone is insufficient. The article advances theory by integrating normative and material explanations, foregrounding elite interest convergence and domestic opportunity structures, and offering a practical template for analyzing reparations politics across diverse political systems.

In the 1990s, a protest rock movement developed on the American continent within informational capitalism, the democratisation of information and communication technologies, and the development of transnational social movements that fought against global powers. To complement the interpretations that understand this type of musical practice as a cultural aspect of social movements, or as commodities that obey the imperatives of the market, I use Auslander’s concept of performance to analyse how these protest rock groups deploy political ideologies linked to international leftist struggles, in the space and time of concerts and other types of mediations. Through an interpretive analysis, I identify some spatial, gestural, corporeal, and sound elements used to act out leftist political ideologies.

In a political wave that has been emulated across many African states, state-sponsored homophobia is being entrenched via draconian laws. Social movements grapple with countering these state-driven initiatives and altering ingrained anti-LGBTQ societal attitudes. Drawing on a survey experiment developed with guidance from Zimbabwean activists, this study tests the effectiveness of locally rooted messages that affirm queer indigeneity and contest claims that homosexuality is ‘un-African’. We find that ‘rooted’ messages incite no backlash, while an indigenous message reduces prejudice towards LGBTQ neighbors and a liberation message may increase support for LGBTQ-equal rights. These findings are important as they provide empirical support for effective strategies to combat anti-LGBTQ sentiments in challenging contexts. They also speak to broader political science debates on norm contestation and the limits of universal human-rights framing in nationalist and post-colonial contexts, demonstrating that activist-informed rooted messages offer a powerful alternative in shaping opinion on contested rights.

The discussion on decolonisation is now happening everywhere, yet it should be remembered that this outcome is the result of decades-old struggles and that the prominence of this quest is owed to the broader social movements of the preceding century. Here, the author explores the implications for archaeology, suggesting a shift of emphasis from colonisation to coloniality. The principle that decolonisation should entail substantive material and structural changes is proposed as a necessary starting point. In moving forward, the author argues that our efforts to build a decolonial archaeology should be guided by the concepts of refusal, care and repair.

The emergence of ‘compassionate cities’ and ‘compassionate communities’ (CCC) as social movements has become a pronounced development in public health approaches to the end-of-life. Drawing on the World Health Organisations’ Ottawa Charter, it contends that end-of-life care has become individualised and medicalised and promotes the ‘rediscovery’ of community approaches. Drawing on a range of sociological theory insights, it deploys a ‘critical interpretative’ analytic approach to literature identified in a narrative review. The paper aims to question the affirmative consensus that exists around CCC by building on the emergence of critical themes have recently emerged in various meta-reviews. This analysis identifies tensions and inconsistencies between the ideals of The Ottawa Charter, CCC practice and a relatively superficial and uncritical deployment of theory, particularly in relation to its status as a conservative or radical movement. The paper concludes by suggesting constructive ways forward.

Australian workers mobilised precociously to win the eight-hour day. Building workers in Melbourne secured the standard in 1856. They inspired and helped to lead a wider movement that shared in the victory over subsequent decades. By the early 1890s the “eight-hour day” was widely embraced as a social norm. Australian successes were contemplated in a range of international publications.

Australian employees in several trades secured an eight-hour day from the middle 1850s. By the 1890s, Australian advances had attracted considerable international attention. But these precocious Australian successes have not yet been satisfactorily explained. The dominant explanations focus especially on a propitious environment in the middle 1850s, buoyed by the wealth of a gold rush and characterised by labour shortages. These accounts overestimate the persistence of favourable market conditions and underestimate the import of the political context and of creative and determined collective struggle.

This article offers a new interpretation. It suggests that the Australian campaign for eight-hours is best understood as a social movement. It then applies five key concepts drawn from the field of social-movement studies to examine the campaign and to explain its successes: political opportunities; framing; strategy; repertoire; and mobilising structures.

The article aims not only to explain the Australian eight-hours campaign, but also to demonstrate the value of concepts and approaches drawn from “social-movement studies” to the study of labour history. It is based on a substantial source base, including union records, scores of newspapers, parliamentary debates, contemporary pamphlets, and government reports.

Socio-legal scholarship has long been driven by a commitment to social change. Yet scholars continue to debate how best to pursue politically engaged empirical research – especially in relation to the elite audiences that influence the production of socio-legal knowledge. Increasingly, researchers are turning to participatory action research (PAR) as a strategy of scholar-activism. PAR centres the knowledge and agency of marginalised communities by involving them as collaborators in the research process, with the aim of producing knowledge that supports their struggles for justice. As socio-legal scholars experiment with PAR, they may encounter tensions both with their research participants and within the broader scholarly community, particularly over the role of ‘law’ in their work. Drawing on my experience using participatory methods to study data governance in Kenya, I explore the challenges and possibilities of integrating PAR into socio-legal inquiry. I suggest that when socio-legal scholars adopt PAR, they are likely to fall short of PAR’s radical participatory ideals and the conventional framing of socio-legal research. Yet, as I argue, this friction is generative. Adopting PAR can transform socio-legal inquiry to be more responsive to contemporary political struggles.

Women’s reproductive autonomy matters for gender equality, but abortion laws rarely pass without limitations and restrictions on access. Legislative abortion reform also triggers conservative resistance, forcing feminists to develop new strategies to protect rights. While scholars often study abortion laws’ adoption and implementation separately, we identify patterns in feminists’ decisions during adoption, on the one hand, and conservative actors’ responses and feminists’ strategies during implementation, on the other. We propose an analytic framework that maps different decisions during adoption onto different strategies during implementation. During adoption, we distinguish between acceptable conditions and strategic sacrifices. During implementation, the latter allows feminists to play offense while the former forces feminists into playing defense. We develop this framework through in-depth primary research in Chile and Uruguay alongside evidence from three additional Global South cases. Our framework helps scholars and policy makers alike to anticipate how decisions during adoption affect actors’ behavior during implementation.

This article examines diasporic Iranian responses to protests sparked by the death of Jina (Mahsa) Amini in September 2022. While Amini’s death galvanized widespread dissent inside Iran, it also spurred diasporic Iranian solidarity, often expressed through the call to “be the voice” of Iranian protestors. I analyze two key practices of diasporic narration: first, framing the Woman, Life, Freedom protests as a “revolution” in social media discourse; and second, the circulation of nostalgic video montages idealizing pre-1979 Iran as a lost era of political freedom. Together, these practices reveal how diasporic narratives may dilute protest demands by fitting them into revisionist frameworks. The conclusion reflects on both the potential and limits of diaspora narration in shaping political memory and understanding.

The women who have participated in memory-building projects in Colombia have shaped the formation of collective memory in important ways in official and informal projects. They have emphasized and highlighted their gendered experiences of the Colombian conflict and gained valuable experience working with and inside organizations. These experiences have provided women with a sense of feminist empowerment. The case of Medellín is particularly interesting because the city’s women have been engaged in constructing collective memory for decades, long before the ratification of the 2016 Peace Accord. As such, these women had a valuable skill set that they were able to employ in collaboration with the official transitional justice mechanisms supported by the state after 2016. The experience of having their voices recognized and acknowledged has raised the feminist consciousness of the women of Medellín involved with these projects. The Medellín case is somewhat distinct from other Latin American cases of women peace and human rights activists because Colombian women have had several decades to learn the importance of including and even centering their intersectional gendered perspectives. The women of Medellín are not unique among Latin American women, but they have had a significant head start.