This article aims to analyze the impact of memory on security/foreign policy using the example of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina’s bilateral relations. The basis for these considerations is the concept of ontological security. It indicates the construction of the identity of the state and is implemented through political decisions and social practices (for example remembering important historical events). Here, memory is treated as a social construct. In addition, the article focuses on memory leading to the formation of state identity, also seen in the international sphere. Historical memory has a considerable impact on bilateral relations between countries that used to be in conflict, like Serbia and BiH. In the example analyzed, leaders use historical memory to create separate identities, commemorate chosen and appropriate victims/heroes or important dates, historical sites, monuments events and develop selective narratives. The most significant elements in the analysis of the historical memory of Serbia and BiH relations are (1) the goals of foreign and security policy of Serbia and BiH (2) the contemporary narrative of the Srebrenica genocide and its perception by governments of Serbia, BiH, and by Bosnian Serbs and Bosniaks, and (3) an official Srebrenica commemoration (memorials, Srebrenica Memorial Day).

In this article, we explore intra-ethnic aspects of co-ethnic migration by members of the Slovak community from Serbia to Slovakia, both at the institutional level and at the level of intra-ethnic relations, and the boundaries between migrants and the established population. In the first part, we focus on the institutional framework of co-ethnic migration: the politicization of diaspora issues in Slovakia, the Slovak community in Serbia in the hierarchy of Slovakia’s diaspora policy, and co-ethnic relations as a subject of negotiations. In the second part, we investigate the role of language in co-ethnic migration, the situation of nonrecognition by co-ethnics in Slovakia, intra-ethnic boundary-making in everyday interactions, and the consequences of migration on intra-ethnic relations among those members of the community who did not migrate. We thus analyze the ongoing migration of the Slovaks of Vojvodina from Serbia into Slovakia, from the early 1990s onward, through a blend of perspectives “from above” and “from below.” This article is based on extensive fieldwork conducted among members of the Vojvodina Slovak community, both migrants and non-migrants who have remained in Vojvodina. Thus, the sending country (Serbia) and the receiving country (Slovakia) represent one research field. The data collected in the field have been complemented by legal documents and statistical data to gain an overview of the wider social and political structures within which the migration is taking place.

Amidst the Russian aggression against Ukraine, peace and stability within the geostrategic region of the Western Balkans have come under the spotlight. While some have called for the “denazification” of the Balkans, others have firmly supported Ukraine. Among the six non-European Union states in the Balkans, the Republic of Serbia is perceived as the most visible and longstanding supporter, akin to a brotherly state, of the Russian Federation. This article aims to investigate President Vučić’s narrative in his Addresses to the Nation concerning the war in Ukraine. The objective is to gain a better understanding of Serbia’s foreign policy positioning with regard to the conflict in Ukraine. Anchored in the Regional Security Complex theory, the article examines President Vučić’s Addresses to the Nation from February 2022 to February 2023, revealing Serbia’s consistent insistence on independent decision-making in foreign policy matters, including in the context of the war in Ukraine. These Addresses to the Nation further reinforce the notion of Serbia’s multi-vector foreign policy, while also utilizing the war in Ukraine to reignite public discussions on the importance of Kosovo to Serbia’s foreign policy.

The lithium sodium borosilicate jadarite, LiNaSiB3O7(OH), was first identified in 2007 in the Jadar basin, Serbia, where it forms the principal ore mineral of one of Europe's largest Li deposits. We report the successful application of the dry-gel conversion technique (DGC) to synthesise a jadarite analogue, via a dry-gel precursor made using sol-gel synthesis and the inclusion of the structure directing agent tetraethylammonium hydroxide (TEAOH). Pawley refinement of powder X-ray diffraction (PXRD) data collected on the synthetic sample was carried out using a monoclinic unit cell in space group P21/c (Whitfield et al., 2007), and gave refined unit cell parameters of a = 6.824(3) Å, b = 13.882(5) Å, c = 7.735(3) Å and β = 124.37(1)° (Rwp = 9.22). Inductively-coupled plasma optical emission spectroscopy (ICP–OES) on the synthetic sample confirmed an empirical formula of Li1.07Na1.40Si0.79B3O7.32(OH), based on three B atoms per formula unit (apfu). The synthetic product was found to be deficient in Si compared to natural jadarite from analysis of PXRD and ICP–OES data. Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR) showed that synthetic jadarite has peaks at 1415 and 1342 cm–1 and between 1180 and 900 cm–1, which are attributed to the presence of trigonal (BO3) and tetrahedral (BO4) borate groups characteristic of the natural jadarite structure, as well as a broad peak at 3441 cm–1 due to the presence of residual TEAOH. Scanning electron microscopy showed similarities in the morphologies between synthetic and natural jadarite particles.

The traditional Laing–Giddens paradigm views ontological insecurity as an unusual mental state triggered by critical situations and characterized by feelings of anxiety, disorientation and paralysis. However, theories inspired by Lacan suggest a different perspective, stating that ontological insecurity is not an exception but rather a regular state of mind. Similarly, ontological security is a fantasy stemming from the desire to fill the primordial lack, thus fuelling agency. While these Lacanian interpretations have introduced a fresh viewpoint into Ontological Security Studies (OSS), they have not fully incorporated one of the key concepts from Lacanian psychoanalysis – the object-cause of desire (French: objet petit a) – into international relations theory. In this article, we present a framework of how to conceptualize and empirically study the objects-cause of desire in world politics. Our arguments are exemplified in a case study of Serbia's resistance to Kosovo's UNESCO membership in 2015.

Since the election of Aleksandar Vučić and the Progressives, Serbia has witnessed a slow decline in media freedom, which scholars such as Subotić (2017) argue has been worse than in the 1990s. Although the government had adopted a package of three laws in August 2014 to bring the media landscape up to European standards, the implementation of the laws has been limited and marginal, with the Progressives engaging in fake compliance. The adoption of the new media strategy 2020–2025 in 2020 has not led to genuine domestic reform and compliance to EU conditionality. In fact, the EU Commission and journalists’ associations in Serbia have criticized the decline in Serbia’s media freedom, citing continued attacks on journalists and indirect political and economic control through advertising and project co-financing, which continue to be features of the Serbian media landscape. In the absence of clear and credible EU conditionality, the decline of media freedom is in the eye of the beholder, where the gap between public engagements with Serbian politicians and the critical stance of progress reports regarding the degradation of the media have enabled Serbian elites to exploit this ambiguity to continue their strategy of fake compliance vis-à-vis rule of law.

In Serbia, modern pork production systems with implemented control measures, including the detection of Trichinella larvae in meat (ISO18743), have eliminated farmed pork from pigs slaughtered at abattoirs as a source of trichinellosis. Epidemiological data from 2011 to 2020 indicate that the number of human cases and the number of infected domestic pigs has decreased significantly. Over the years, pork was the most frequent source of human infection. Cases generally occurred in small family outbreaks, and the infection was linked to consumption of raw or undercooked pork from backyard pigs. In most of the outbreaks, T. spiralis was the aetiological agent of infection, but in 2016, a large outbreak was caused by consumption of uninspected wild boar meat containing T. britovi larvae. To achieve safe pork, it is important that consumers of pork from animals raised in backyard smallholdings and of wild game meat are properly educated about the risks associated with consumption of untested meat. Laboratories conducting Trichinella testing should have a functional quality assurance system to ensure competency of analysts and that accurate and repeatable results are achieved. Regular participation in proficiency testing is needed.

Are referendum campaigns involving issues about sovereignty more likely to succeed if framed in a positive rather than a negative way? We ran a survey on a hypothetical referendum on a peace agreement between Serbia and Kosovo to answer this question, and we experimentally simulated both positive and negative frames. We found that the positive campaign frame, i.e. one that contains an invitation to support a lasting peace in the Balkans, economic prosperity, Serbia’s path to EU integration, and the protection of the Serbian population and cultural heritage in Kosovo, is more appealing than the negative one, which focuses on avoiding the risk of failure. Our finding contradicts previous works that relied on the prospect theory to argue that negatively framed messages can attract more attention because people try to avoid adverse outcomes. To explain our findings, we argue that positive referendum campaigns are more effective than negative ones when the reference point is low due to attributive framing.

The Deliblato Sands is among the largest uniform dune fields of Europe, with a very pronounced topography reflecting extensive past aeolian events. Although lacking numerical age data, previous researchers have hypothesized various periods of dune formation. Our research goals were to map the main morphological units of the Deliblato Sands, and to provide the first optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) ages for the major dune types. Mapping was carried out using digital elevation models, satellite images, and GPS profiles. Dune development was investigated using OSL. Several tests were performed concerning thermal treatment, signal characteristics, dose recovery, and dose distributions to assess the suitability of sediments for luminescence dating. Based on our results, two dune generations could be identified that differed in morphology and age. Older dune forms are primarily low sand-supply, hairpin-like parabolic dunes that developed from the last glacial maximum until the end of the early Holocene, then became stabilized. Younger, superimposed parabolic dunes record an intensive aeolian signal from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The history of the Deliblato Sands fits with those from other European sand dune areas, and provides further details to understand paleoenvironmental changes in the region.

This study was endeavoured to contribute in furthering our understanding of the molecular epidemiology of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) by sequencing and analysing the first full-length genome sequences obtained from 48 coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) patients in five districts in Western Serbia in the period April 2020–July 2020. SARS-CoV-2 sequences in Western Serbia distinguished from the Wuhan sequence in 128 SNPs in total. The phylogenetic structure of local SARS-CoV-2 isolates suggested the existence of at least four distinct groups of SARS-CoV-2 strains in Western Serbia. The first group is the most similar to the strain from Italy. These isolates included two 20A sequences and 15−30 20B sequences that displayed a newly occurring set of four conjoined mutations. The second group is the most similar to the strain from France, carrying two mutations and belonged to 20A clade. The third group is the most similar to the strain from Switzerland carrying four co-occurring mutations and belonging to 20B clade. The fourth group is the most similar to another strain from France, displaying one mutation that gave rise to a single local isolate that belonged to 20A clade.

Serbia was one of the countries in Europe and the world that were most affected by the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. City Novi Pazar was the greatest coronavirus hotspot in Europe on July 1, 2020, due to several hundred infected people. Even though united data were published at the state level, there are no data by region or city, so the interpretation of the COVID-19 epidemic in Serbia at the regional level is difficult. Different levels of health care and health education of citizens and the degree of respect for the proposed epidemiological measures have led to significant differences in the number of tests, a large number of infected, and several deaths by regions and cities. Insufficiently precise and up-to-date keeping of records and statistical data on COVID-19 at the state and local level also complicates the pandemic’s scientific and epidemiological analysis. Novi Pazar is a city in southwestern Serbia with a population of 100,000. It is similar in population to the city of Bergamo, in northern Italy in the Lombardy region. As of July 1, 2020, Novi Pazar had 300% higher mortality per 100,000 population compared with the same month last year, and almost 10 times higher mortality than the rest of Serbia.