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This chapter explores the theoretical themes of the book: art, politics and anti-racism; emotion and affect in art and politics; Latin American racial formations. It outlines the research project on which the book is based: Cultures of Anti-Racism in Latin America (CARLA).
This chapter reflects on possibilities for anti-racism in artistic practice. Drawing on the work of the diverse artists we have collaborated with in the project Cultures of Anti-Racism in Latin America (CARLA), I focus on two types of intervention that I believe help us to think about various ways of doing anti-racism through art. The two types are challenging stereotypes and working with communities, and I explore how various artworks engage with these modes of artistic action and how they create emotional traction and affective intensity. The aim of the exercise is to be productive and helpful in the struggle against racism by providing some tools that artists and organisations can use to think strategically about anti-racism as a practice and reflect on the opportunities and risks that attach to different interventions.
The conversation is curated from an online event, Anti-Racist Art in the UK and Latin America: A Conversation (11 November 2020), with Daiara Tukano, Liliana Angulo, SuAndi, and Ekua Bayunu. The line-up was designed in order to explore differences and similarities between experiences of and ideas about racism in Latin America and the UK from the perspectives of Black and Indigenous artists.
This chapter examines how narratives of corruption are mobilized by two very different political actors in Latin America: marginalized rural farmers and free-market think tank elites. We show that, for each group, corruption is both a central element of political discourse and a tool for shaping state–society relations and advancing particular interests. Their narratives serve to define the boundaries of corruption, interpret the state, and drive and justify political action within changing historical contexts – for Colombian farmers, a state that has become newly consequential to their lives; and for right-wing think tank elites, a left turn in regional politics. The comparison demonstrates that while each group uses similar narratives, their different social positions and networks shape the actions they take in response: Farmers rely on clientelist networks to access the few state resources left to them by elite corruption, while elites engage in a hegemonic struggle against leftist populism. Paradoxically, even while sharing a strikingly similar understanding of corruption, each group condemns the practices of the other as corrupt. This analysis underscores the ubiquity of corruption as a strategic and moralizing tool in Latin American politics.
This chapter introduces a new framework for understanding US–China rivalry through the concepts of economic weight and displacement. It argues that China has economically displaced the US in much of Latin America by becoming an alternative provider of goods and services, despite not surpassing the US globally. The author develops a theory emphasizing the role of local agency in target countries in shaping this process. Economic displacement is presented as a gradual shift where China’s economic influence surpasses that of the US. The chapter outlines how this displacement may erode US political leverage through deteriorating public opinion, changing elite perspectives, and diminished influence in international organizations. By focusing on structural power rather than intentionality, this framework offers new insights into the dynamics of great power competition in the developing world.
This chapter examines how China’s economic displacement of the United States affects voting patterns in international organizations. Using data from the UN General Assembly, UN Human Rights Council, and Organization of American States, the analysis reveals that when China’s economic weight surpasses that of the US in Latin American countries, these nations are less likely to align their votes with US positions. The study finds that economic displacement reduces vote convergence with the US in the UNGA, increases the probability of voting against US-supported resolutions in the UNHRC, and decreases vote alignment in the OAS. These findings suggest that China’s growing economic influence diminishes US leverage in international forums, even in organizations where China is not a member. The chapter argues that this effect stems from reduced efficacy of US economic statecraft as countries gain alternative economic partners, granting them greater autonomy in foreign policy decisions.
This chapter examines the emergence of unicorn firms in Latin America, focusing on the interplay between local entrepreneurial ecosystems and firm strategies. Using an entrepreneurial ecosystem approach, we integrate the dual significance of tangible ecosystem resources (e.g., human capital, funding) and intangible digital assets (e.g., digital platforms and linkages) in driving firm success. We also analyse how national and local ecosystems in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Peru impact the development of these high-growth firms. We identify strategies entrepreneurs use to leverage available resources and navigate institutional obstacles, emphasising the role of digital ecosystems in scaling operations beyond local boundaries. Our findings contribute to understanding the dynamics of unicorn emergence in Latin America and offer theoretical and practical insights into how entrepreneurs overcome institutional challenges and leverage digital strategies to achieve global or regional impact.
Latin America was the first and most intense target of the imposition of economic enforcement of human rights. The strategy of establishing regional organizations as authorities over human rights emerged in response to these new enforcement policies. This meant greatly expanding the authority of the Organization of American States and, for the first time, allowing it to interfere in member states’ internal affairs to enforce human rights. This strategy emerged first as an authoritarian survival strategy put forward by the Chilean government in response to unprecedented challenges to its domestic behaviors. However, democratic leaders in the region transformed it into a strategy involving real enforcement once economic pressure spread to the entire region. As this chapter demonstrates, the idea that regional organizations have special authority over human rights had not been taken for granted prior to this, as human rights were not understood as an issue that could be altered to fit local contexts. Instead, Latin American leaders–including democracies and leaders supporting human rights enforcement–argued forcefully for this new authority.
In this collection, artists and researchers collaborate to explore the anti-racist effects of diverse artistic practices, specifically theatre, dance, visual art and music. By integrating the experiences of Black, Indigenous and mestizo ('mixed-race') artists from Argentina, Brazil, and Colombia, the text interrogates how art with anti-racist intent works in the world and brings special attention to its affective dimensions. Latin America's particular racial formations encourage us to move beyond the pigeon-holes of identity politics and embrace inclusive models of anti-racism, spurred by the creative potential of artistic innovation. The collection features overview chapters on art and anti-racism, co-authored chapters focusing on specific art practices, and five 'curated conversations' giving voice to additional artists who participated in the project. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Recent studies have drawn attention to the importance of pre-electoral coalitions in multiparty presidential democracies. Despite this, much scholarship has neglected the period during which pre-electoral coalitions turn into governing coalitions. Through a systematic cross-case analysis of Latin American cases, this paper examines why some coalition governments largely resemble the pre-electoral pacts that preceded them while others do not. The results lend credence to the legislative status granted by pre-election coalition members to the government, the low polarization among pre-electoral coalition members and the high ideological polarization in the legislature to explain the resemblance between pre- and post-electoral coalitions. Intriguingly, case-based analysis suggests that the temporal distance to government inauguration plays, at best, a marginal role in this process. These findings contribute to the still-growing literature on pre-electoral coalitions in presidential democracies by shedding light on the complex causation behind the pathway from pre-electoral bargaining to fully developed coalition governments.
Between the 1890s and the 1940s, a diverse group of Chilean diplomats, businessmen, and intellectuals sought to convert Japan into a principal consumer of Chile’s struggling nitrate fertilizer industry (saltpetre). The commercial effort to revive Chile’s export development model through Japanese markets also evolved into an intention to emulate Japan’s formula for sturdy nation-building and for fortifying the economic sovereignty against North Atlantic capital. Ultimately, this article situates Chilean–Japanese relations within a global moment of decolonization and development that sought to reform North Atlantic dominion over international affairs. That Latin American nation- and order-building were shaped not only by the binary embrace or rejection of models from the United States and Europe, but also by ideas from Japan, the Pacific, and Latin America itself, illustrates the possibilities for and sophistication of Global South designs for international engagements and development, even if their counterfactual imaginaries did not always materialize as intended.
Research on the implementation of social policy is scant compared to research on other policy stages. Reasons like the lack of the necessary time and resources to conduct implementation research explains such gap. Yet, without research on implementation, it is impossible to reach comprehensive, deep and accurate understandings of the effects of public interventions on the welfare of the population. This article introduces the special issue on the dynamics of social policy implementation in Latin America and Southern Europe, prepared with the aim of addressing the gap and contributing to the current research on the topic. The two regions include countries with social policies and welfare regimes that share several historical, institutional and political contexts and legacies, and provide critical cases to test existing theories and models of public policy implementation. The special issue consists of nine articles that cover eight case studies from Argentina, Brazil, Italy, Peru and Spain, plus an article that provides an overview of current implementation trends in the two regions. The comparison of findings from the case studies reveals significant insights on social policy implementation, like a positive effect of the discretion that street-level bureaucrats exert in their daily activities to compensate for weak formal institutions and limited resources, and the opportunities created for the improvement of implementation outcomes by the incorporation of civil society actors in co-production activities.
Water security in Latin America is at a tipping point – despite holding 30% of the world’s freshwater, millions lack access to safe drinking water. Enter the Latin American Water Funds Partnership (LAWFP), a groundbreaking model of radical collaboration that unites governments, businesses, nonprofits, and philanthropy to drive systemic change in water security.
This chapter explores how Water Funds pool financial and technical resources, implement nature-based solutions, and foster cross-sector partnerships to deliver long-term, scalable impact. With over 26 Water Funds engaging 340+ organizations, LAWFP has protected over 565,000 hectares of watersheds, improved water access, and strengthened community resilience. A compelling case study in multi-sector cooperation, this chapter demonstrates how philanthropic capital can act as a catalyst for innovation, unlocking sustainable financing to combat climate change and transform water security.
Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) hold one-third of the world’s biodiversity, yet climate change and deforestation threaten this vital ecological powerhouse. Despite the urgency, nature-based solutions (NBS) receive a fraction of global climate finance, while billions flow into environmentally harmful subsidies.
This chapter explores how philanthropy can help bridge the gap and reshape conservation finance by funding high-impact, scalable solutions that protect ecosystems, empower communities, and drive economic transformation. Through case studies of leading philanthropic initiatives – Arapyaú Institute in Brazil, Moisés Bertoni Foundation in Paraguay, and Grupo Argos in Colombia – it demonstrates how strategic investments in forest restoration, biodiversity conservation, and sustainable land use can accelerate climate mitigation and adaptation.
This chapter considers how Australians have looked to South America for what they might become while Argentinians looked to Australia for what Argentina could become. It traces William Lane’s failed utopic colonies in Paraguay in the 1890s and, following her participation in one of them, Mary Gilmore’s engagement with and promotion of Latin American culture to other Australian writers. It considers Latin American migration to Australia, particularly in the late twentieth century. It discusses the role of little magazines, small presses and radio shows in encouraging poetry by Latin American migrants. It analyses their sense of marginalisation to mainstream Australian literary culture, and shifts towards decentring Australia in both writers’ transcultural movements and framings by anthologies. Lastly, the chapter examines recent encounters with Latin America by Australian-born poets and discusses competing framings of the South, including by writers such as J. M. Coetzee and John Mateer.
This article proposes a mixed-method approach to examine historical censuses with regard to race. It does so by exploring various kinds of demographic records from nineteenth-century Buenos Aires in order to test the conventional hypothesis of a significant census underenumeration of the city’s population of African descent. Starting from the overall progression of census results, the article is divided into three parts. The first of these deals with potential under-coverage, the second with the possibility of classificatory changes, and the third with vital statistics, largely derived from parish books. With special attention to two censuses of the 1850s, it concludes that Buenos Aires’s Afro-descendant population likely did suffer serious demographic decline between 1840 and 1890.
The best known historical narrative of the international mental hygiene movement among English-speaking audiences locates its origins in the publication of A Mind That Found Itself, the autobiographical account of Clifford Beers (1876–1943), a Yale graduate and former psychiatric patient. The success of the book is thought to have prompted the creation of the first Society for Mental Hygiene in Connecticut in 1908. Beers’ biography, published as Advocate for the Insane in 1980, contends that mental hygiene abroad developed from seeds first sown in the USA and subsequently in Canada.
This article offers a critical reappraisal of that narrative and advances an alternative framework for understanding the history of the international mental hygiene movement during the first half of the twentieth century. It draws on a body of scholarship, emerging since the 1980s, that has sought to decentre the prevailing account, exposing the multiplicity of forces at work in a history that diverges from any straightforward, linear trajectory radiating from a single point of origin.
By tracing this decentred history, the article highlights the contested nature of the ‘international’ in the context of the mental hygiene movement. Case studies from the USA, France, Brazil, and Argentina reveal both the conflicts it engendered and the diverse meanings and significance it assumed within distinct national settings.
This paper presents a macroeconomic framework for carbon markets. We set up a global climate-economy with carbon-intensive energy inputs, renewable energy, natural carbon sinks, and a carbon capture technology to show that (i) within a comprehensive carbon pricing system, a carbon tax alone implements any given path of carbon emissions; (ii) ‘additionality’ is not a property of the optimal carbon pricing system; and (iii) without a carbon tax, renewable subsidies, preservation of carbon sinks and a price for carbon capture are needed.
Implementation science plays a crucial role in effectively translating scientific knowledge into sustainable, evidence-based health practices. This perspective article focuses on some Latin American experiences, highlighting the limitations of applying methodologies developed in the Global North to settings marked by structural inequalities, economic constraints and cultural diversity. The included experiences examine a range of programs, such as the national Breastfeeding and Feeding Strategy, the evaluation of the Triple P-Positive Parenting Program in Chile and the community component of Mental Health Gap Action Programme in Colombia. Other contributions explore professional training initiatives and offer critical reflections on frameworks, such as the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research and the Reach, Effectiveness, Adoption, Implementation and Maintenance. The reflections call for strengthening local capacities, fostering meaningful South–South and South–North collaborations, and advancing a context-sensitive, equity-oriented approach to implementation science that supports the development of more adaptive, effective and just health systems.
Developing Consumers: A History of Wants and Needs in Postwar South America offers a comparative social and economic history of South America’s developmental decades, from the 1950s to the mid-1970s. In the aftermath of World War II, Argentina, Brazil, and Chile implemented state-led strategies to secure economic sovereignty, raise living standards, and expand domestic markets. These policies made durable goods such as refrigerators, automobiles, and televisions increasingly available, yet access remained uneven across class, gender, and racial lines. By the 1960s, these commodities had become powerful symbols of modern well-being.
The dissertation examines how people experienced this transformation and how new forms of consumption reshaped ideas of welfare, citizenship, and inequality. By the decade’s end, it was clear that the developmental state could not deliver social mobility or universal access to modern comforts, leading to widespread frustration. Policy makers, marketing experts, and intellectuals debated how to “rationalize” consumption—deciding which needs should be guaranteed for all and which reflected elite privilege.