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Despite Kenya’s transformative and progressive 2010 Constitution, it is still grappling with a hybrid democracy, displaying both authoritarian and democratic traits. Scholars attribute this status to several factors, with a prominent one being the domination of the political order and wielding of political power by a few individuals and families with historical ties to patronage networks and informal power structures. The persisting issues of electoral fraud, widespread corruption, media harassment, weak rule of law and governance challenges further contribute to the hybrid democracy status. While the 2010 Constitution aims to restructure the state and enhance democratic institutions, the transition process is considered incomplete, especially since the judiciary’s role of judicial review is mostly faced with the difficult task of countering democratic regression. Moreover, critical institutions such as the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) have faced criticism due to corruption scandals and perceptions of partisanship, eroding public trust in their ability to oversee fair elections effectively.
This study examines the landmark rulings in the “BBI Case”, adjudicated successively by the High Court, Court of Appeal, and Supreme Court of Kenya, from the perspective of comparative political process theory [“CPPT”]. The BBI case involved a constitutional challenge to a set of seventy-four proposed constitutional amendments to the Constitution of Kenya, 2010. It raised a host of issues, ranging from the applicability of the basic structure doctrine, the role of the President in initiating constitutional change, Presidential immunity, and Fourth Branch institutions, among others. This paper analyses two crucial issues in the case: the articulation – for the first time in its history – of a process-oriented basic structure doctrine, by the High Court and the Court of Appeal; and the concurrent holding of the High Court, the Court of Appeal, and the Supreme Court prohibiting the President of Kenya from initiating a constitutional amendment through the “popular initiative” route. It argues that on these issues, the Kenyan courts’ reasoning constitutes a creative, unique, and valuable contribution to CPPT, in the context of constitutional change. When faced with the possibility of abusive amendments within the framework of a two-tiered amendment process, the Kenyan courts responded by setting out rigorous procedural constraints upon the amendment power. As a corollary, the role of the judiciary under this approach is not to invalidate or veto abusive constitutional amendments, but to ensure that they pass through a substantive, rich, and deep process of public participation.
This article seeks to explain how Mau Mau combatants selected and killed their civilian targets. The central argument is that Mau Mau members shared a moral logic that informed whom they killed, how, and why they did it. This moral logic was partly based on traditional Kikuyu ethics of violence, which were widely held and traceable to the late nineteenth century. Yet it was also a logic born out of novel, albeit contested, ethical convictions that developed in the context of an asymmetrical anticolonial war in 1950s-Kenya. Using captured guerrilla documents and oral history interviews with Mau Mau veterans, the article analyzes the perceived offenses that civilians committed against Mau Mau, the motives of Mau Mau assailants, and the internal conflicts that arose regarding the killings of some civilians. Ultimately, this article demonstrates that the moral logic of Mau Mau killings was firmly rooted in a dialectical tension between longstanding Kikuyu ethics of violence and the harsh realities of waging an asymmetrical anticolonial war. It also shows that Mau Mau debates over who to kill formed part of a larger process of sacralization, whereby members of the movement reimagined what they deemed sacred, moral, and just measures for conducting the war.
Tourism in Africa was entangled with colonialism from the start. However, after the Second World War it became an integral part of the colonising powers’ development agenda, albeit one that has received little scholarly attention so far. This presented African states with a serious dilemma when most of them gained independence during the 1960s. On the one hand, tourism promised to stimulate economic growth, provide much needed foreign currency, and create employment opportunities. On the other hand, international tourism had the potential to threaten the economic independence of post-colonial states and perpetuate colonial stereotypes, as well as international and local power imbalances and inequalities. The newly elected governments had to deal with this “colonial baggage.” This article focusses on the transition from colonial to post-colonial tourism in two East African countries, Kenya and Tanzania. I explore how the late colonial government pursued tourism as a development strategy for the region. I also demonstrate how Kenya and Tanzania approached tourism and its colonial legacies in different ways after independence. To trace their respective tourism histories, I draw on published reports and newspaper articles, historical research literature, in particular, from tourism scholars of various disciplines, as well as archival sources.
This chapter examines Kenya's use of debt-based financial statecraft, revealing an uneven track record. It first describes how the Kenyan government diversified its portfolio of external finance with both international bonds and Chinese loans. Drawing on interviews with government and donor officials, the chapter then shows Kenya's mixed success in extracting bargaining leverage from its new sources of finance. While the Kenyan government achieved increased flexibility from donors on governance issues, it encountered greater resistance on financial management practices. The chapter highlights that donors' strategic interests in their relationship with Kenya encouraged them to be more flexible when Kenya diversified its portfolio of external finance, but that their concerns about accountability and use of funds led them to be more stringent on issues of financial management.
In this chapter, I show how the current shift to digitalising tax administration in Kenya is connected to its colonial fiscal structures both in its design and implementation. Firstly, the idea that technology can help economic development in countries like Kenya has existed since colonial times and still features in current policies that endorse technology for economic development. Secondly, colonial structures are also present in the implementation strategies of a digital platform like the e-filing system central in this case study as they rely on colonial infrastructures for implementation. ITax, the e-filing system that is the focus of this chapter, was implemented quite rapidly and made mandatory within a short period. This chapter argues that the ‘promise’ of digitalisation as a driver of sustainability, modernisation, and economic growth is outweighed by the harm done by colonial history impacting its practice. I argue that colonial fiscal policies are still shaping Kenya’s tax practices. A closer look at Kenya’s colonial fiscal history is important for understanding how the current tax systems are shaped and informed by past practices.
This chapter describes the book's case study approach, which compares Ethiopia, Ghana, and Kenya. All three countries experienced the regional trend of increased borrowing from China and in international bond markets in the 2000s. However, the countries vary in strategic significance and donor trust, allowing for tests of heterogeneity in the financial statecraft of borrowers. The chapter discusses the data collection process for the case studies, with over 170 elite interviews, mostly with government and donor officials participating in aid negotiations, and how this data is used to trace debt-based financial statecraft in each country. The chapter briefly provides background on each country's political and economic context and previews findings on how their external finance portfolios impacted aid negotiations with traditional donors.
Decolonization in East Africa was more than a political event: it was a step towards economic self-determination. In this innovative book, historian and anthropologist Kevin Donovan analyses the contradictions of economic sovereignty and citizenship in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda, placing money, credit, and smuggling at the center of the region's shifting fortunes. Using detailed archival and ethnographic research undertaken across the region, Donovan reframes twentieth century statecraft and argues that self-determination was, at most, partially fulfilled, with state monetary infrastructures doing as much to produce divisions and inequality as they did to produce nations. A range of dissident practices, including smuggling and counterfeiting, arose as people produced value on their own terms. Weaving together discussions of currency controls, bank nationalizations and coffee smuggling with wider conceptual interventions, Money, Value and the State traces the struggles between bankers, bureaucrats, farmers and smugglers that shaped East Africa's postcolonial political economy.
In the Shadow of the Global North unpacks the historical, cultural, and institutional forces that organize and circulate journalistic narratives in Africa to show that something complex is unfolding in the postcolonial context of global journalistic landscapes, especially the relationships between cosmopolitan and national journalistic fields. Departing from the typical discourse about journalistic depictions of Africa, j. Siguru Wahutu turns our focus to the underexplored journalistic representations created by African journalists reporting on African countries. In assessing news narratives and the social context within which journalists construct these narratives, Wahutu captures not only the marginalization of African narratives by African journalists but opens up an important conversation about what it means to be an African journalist, an African news organization, and African in the postcolony.
Focusing on journalists’ training between 1960 and 2015, this chapter captures the enduring strength of colonial logic effectuated through nonjournalistic actors, such as the education field. It shows how curricula focused on Western canonical thought reinforce a sense of liminality in a field already perceived as out of touch. It discusses the role of journalism education in inculcating specific normative assumptions about how the fields should work on the continent. It argues that journalism education now, just as at the dawn of independence, is such that the profession is heavily moored on Western understandings of journalistic doxa.
This article analyzes the transformation of an image of ritual violence on the Kenyan coast from the sixteenth century to the present. Drawing on a range of sources, it shows how understandings of “mung'aro” — a ritual of senior male initiation among Mijikenda-speaking peoples — changed as it became an object of inquiry for generations of missionaries, explorers, colonial administrators, local intellectuals, and foreign historians and anthropologists. In the mid-twentieth century, mung'aro became a key feature of Mijikenda traditions of origin in Singwaya, but in such a way that it reversed the direction of a specific form of ritual violence described in nineteenth-century traditions. By focusing on the transposition and recombination of ritual motifs across practical and discursive modalities (namely, ritual and narrative), this article offers a new approach to “the limits of invention” regarding traditions of origin.
Mental health challenges are common following cancer diagnosis, negatively impacting treatment and quality of life for breast cancer (BC) patients. This pilot study provides an understanding of the impacts of BC diagnosis and care experiences on the mental health of patients seen at the Aga Khan University Hospital in Nairobi, Kenya. We conducted 40 in-depth interviews, including 10 women with newly diagnosed BC, 10 women with metastatic BC, 10 family members and 10 healthcare professionals. Data were transcribed, translated into English as needed and coded using Dedoose software. Following BC diagnosis, it was reported that patients faced various physical, social, psychological and spiritual factors affecting their mental health and quality of life. Our interviews with each group indicated that BC patients experienced feelings of stress, anxiety and depression related to treatments and accompanying side effects. Disclosure concerns, financial impacts, relationship strain and negative outlooks on life were common among BC patients. The findings indicate that BC diagnosis and care experiences influence mental health in this population. With this basis, understanding and addressing the mental health challenges of BC patients is crucial to improve mental health and quality of life.
Visceral leishmaniasis (VL) is a severe infectious disease caused by protozoan parasites of the Leishmania donovani complex. Blood cytokine concentrations in VL patients can inform us about underlying immunopathogenesis and may serve as a biomarker for treatment effectiveness. However, cytokine levels have not yet been studied in VL patients from Kenya, where case load is high. This study measured the serum cytokine profile, blood parasite load and clinical and haematological features of VL patients from West Pokot County, Kenya, over the course of treatment with sodium stibogluconate and paromomycin (SSG-PM). VL patients recruited at the hospital presented with splenomegaly and weight loss, and frequently had pancytopenia and anaemia. Median Leishmania parasite load in blood, determined with real-time polymerase chain reaction, was 2.6 × 104 parasite equivalents mL−1. Compared to endemic healthy controls, serum interferon gamma (IFN-γ), interleukin 5 (IL-5), IL-6, IL-10, IL-12p70, IL-17A and IL-27 were significantly elevated in untreated VL patients. Severe VL was associated with higher IL-10 and lower IFN-γ levels. After 17 daily injections with SSG-PM, disease symptoms disappeared, leukocyte and thrombocyte counts significantly increased, and blood parasite load decreased to undetectable levels in all VL patients. There was a significant decrease in IL-10 and IL-6, whereas IL-17A levels increased; the remaining cytokines showed no significant concentration change during treatment. In conclusion, the results suggest that SSG-PM treatment of VL patients from West Pokot was effective. Moreover, both inflammatory and regulatory immune responses appeared to decrease during treatment, although the increase in IL-17A could reflect a partial continuation of immune activation.
Food literacy (FL) is a potential approach to address the nutrition transition in Africa, but a validated tool is lacking. We developed and validated a scale to assess FL among Ugandan and Kenyan adult populations.
Design:
A mixed-method approach was applied: (1) item development using literature, expert and target group insights, (2) independent country-specific validation (content, construct, criterion and concurrent) and (3) synchronisation of the two country-specific FL-scales. Construct validity was evaluated against the prime dietary quality score (PDQS) and healthy eating self-efficacy scale (HEWSE).
Setting:
Urban Uganda and Kenya.
Participants:
Two cross-sectional cross-country surveys, adults >18 years (n = 214) and university students (n = 163), were conducted.
Results:
The initial development yielded a forty-eight-item FL-scale draft. In total, twenty-six items were reframed to fit the country contexts. Six items differed content-wise across the two FL-scales and were dropped for a synchronised East African FL-scale. Weighted kappa tests revealed no deviations in individuals’ FL when either the East African FL-scale or the country-specific FL-scales are used; 0·86 (95 % CI: 0·83, 0·89), Uganda and 0·86 (95 % CI: 0·84, 0·88), Kenya. The FL-scale showed good reliability (0·71 (95 % CI: 0·60, 0·79), Uganda; 0·78 (95 % CI: 0·69, 0·84), Kenya) and positively correlated with PDQS (r = 0·29 P = 0·003, Uganda; r = 0·26 P < 0·001, Kenya) and HEWSE (r = 0·32 P < 0·001, Uganda; r = 0·23, P = 0·017, Kenya). The FL-scale distinguishes populations with higher from those with lower FL (β = 14·54 (95 % CI: 10·27, 18·81), Uganda; β = 18·79 (95 % CI: 13·92, 23·68), Kenya).
Conclusion:
Provided culture-sensitive translation and adaptation are done, the scale may be used as a basis across East Africa.
Estimating value of statistical life (VSL) is an important input to many benefit-cost analysis (BCA) approaches, but for many low- and middle-income countries, there are limited or no data estimating VSL. Current guidance relies on extrapolation of results from high-income settings, which may be unreliable, leading to low confidence applying VSL. During 2019, we surveyed 1,820 low-income individuals (average consumption per capita USD329) across four diverse regions in Ghana and Kenya, to inform recommendations about effective spending in the development sector. We elicited VSL using a stated-preference approach, capturing the willingness-to-pay to reduce the risk of death for themselves and their children. Additionally, we conducted multiple “policy choice experiments” (PCEs) in which we asked respondents to choose, from the perspective of a decision-maker, between programs that save lives of different ages, and save lives and provide cash transfers. VSL estimates for this population fell in the range of USD66,795–USD90,453 (PPP-adjusted). We found similar results in the PCE but uncovered much stronger preferences for saving younger lives. Overall, our results suggest that VSL in low-income countries may be higher than estimates based on extrapolations from wealthy countries and that within these communities, policymakers should place more weight on saving the lives of young children. We also explore methodological learnings about how to apply and collect data for BCA in particularly low-income, low-education settings. We find that through careful training and gatekeeping, it is feasible to elicit complicated preferences in this population, and both approaches have their benefits and drawbacks.
This chapter provides subnational evidence from Kenya’s Rift Valley and Coast Provinces to show how unstable parties have incentivized elites to organize and sponsor party violence in these places. It also incorporates additional subnational variables, including information on candidates’ anxieties over seats, demographic data, and fine-grained information on grievances to explain where, when, and how violence has been organized in the Rift Valley and Coast.
This chapter introduces the phenomenon of party violence, discusses the scope conditions and central arguments of the book, and offers a methodological justification for the distinct cross-regional comparison of Kenya and India. It also details the multiple data sources used to develop the book’s main claims as well as the subnational research sites investigated in both countries. Substantively, the chapter holds that party instability is an underappreciated factor in the broader instrumentalist literature on elites’ decision-making about conflict. It argues that instability matters because it can make the deployment of violence less costly and risky for politicians and thereby incentivize the production of recurring and severe conflict.
This chapter combines national-level violence and volatility data with in-depth elite interviews to demonstrate the relationship between short projected party lifespans and recurring bouts of ethnic party violence in multiparty Kenya. The chapter proceeds in three phases from the KANU era to the period after the promulgation of the country’s new constitution in 2010. The central findings reveal that although Kenyan voters are not lacking in information about the political nature of party conflicts and actually reject violence-wielding politicians, high levels of party replacement and attendant changes in coalitional arrangements tend to prevent them from holding these leaders to account. As a result, politicians from different parties have been able to organize and sponsor violence on a repeated basis.
This chapter traces political party development in Kenya and India from a comparative and historical perspective. It shows that despite many shared experiences as British colonies, nationalist parties with transoceanic connections to one another, and dominant party structures that endured for several years after independence, party development in the two countries took very different routes in the medium and long terms. In Kenya, the Kenya African National Union (KANU) emerged as a narrow, divisive, and ethnically oriented party. By contrast, the Indian National Congress (INC) developed deep societal roots, penetrated rural areas, and sought to unite Indians across caste and ethnic divides. These divergent trajectories influenced the development of new party entrants and generated differing incentive structures for instrumentalizing party violence in the two countries.