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As the Middle Ages drew to a close, however, a rising share of Europeans were eating fish from systems other than their natural local waters. By 1500 around Paris, for instance, elite menus featured carp and headless codfish, while lesser folk made do with herring and haddock. Beside the Mediterranean, Valencia was receiving millions of Atlantic sardines and hake, while Romans could get herring from the North Sea, Norwegian cod, and tuna from Sicily. Both cultured carp and fishes from Europe’s economic frontiers changed Europeans’ relations with aquatic nature.
Carp aquaculture colonized nature, creating artificial habitats to rear an organism alien to western Europe. Late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century financial records and instructional manuals from east-central Europe detail an original and distinctive European mode for farming fish. Those practices provide a benchmark to identify and trace their creation in twelfth- to thirteenth-century France – where the carp was a late invader – and subsequent spread eastwards of the innovation. Human-controlled aquaculture created thousands of local ecological revolutions across interior Europe, providing inland elites with a steady source of live fresh fish, serving as a vehicle of elite power over subjected nature and people, and replacing indigenous ecosystems with private anthropogenic habitats tailored for domesticated, soon also feral, invaders. For contemporary writers fish had become objects of human agency.
Rural society in Scandinavia was marked by the repercussions of a dramatic loss of population well into the second half of the fifteenth century when the first signs of recovery manifested themselves in some areas. Nobles and the Church were the dominant landowners in Denmark at the end of the Middle Ages, possessing together 75 per cent of the farms, but there were districts in the peripheral forested areas where freehold farms could amount to 50 per cent of the total. As a consequence of the late medieval loss of population the profitability of certain forms of agricultural production decreased radically, destabilising the economy of those involved. On the other hand, large groups of the rural population profited from the changes that occurred in the period of crisis. Auxiliary means of livelihood often permitted farmers to accumulate wealth. In the course of the high Middle Ages, the rural population of Scandinavia came to comprise only legally free persons.
In the early and high Middle Ages there was a considerable expansion of population, settlement and production in Scandinavia. The medieval population in Scandinavia can best be calculated on the basis of the numbers of farms and holdings and the estimated average numbers of people living on them. In northern Sweden, the population presumably continued to grow throughout the late Middle Ages, mainly as the result of colonisation. In Norway, the absence of suitable sources makes it difficult to grasp the chronology of depopulation and settlement contraction. The crisis has left early traces in the form of a sudden drop in farm and land prices over much of the country immediately after 1350. The chapter also deals with the less dramatic settlement development in the rest of western and southern Scandinavia. Abandonment of settlements was a clear feature of the late medieval development of Danish society.
Scandinavia lends itself to a discussion of the causes, expressions and course of urbanization. The earliest known tendencies towards urbanisation in Scandinavia manifest themselves in the economic and political centres of the Merovingian Period and the early Viking Age. Scandinavian urbanisation entered a new phase from the latter part of the tenth century. From now on there is evidence of several places with a more complex centrality. Places of particular importance in this context are Lund in medieval Denmark, Sigtuna in Sweden, and Trondheim, Oslo and Bergen in Norway. Most of the new high medieval towns were established in the central parts of the Danish kingdom, including Skåne, and in the Mälaren area of Sweden with its extension towards the south and towards Finland. The development of Scandinavian towns was closely related to the evolution of more centralised political systems. The early medieval Norwegian towns were promoted by the kings which was important for the political unification process.
The main tendencies in the development of Scandinavian political organisation in the high Middle Ages were centralisation and growth of public authority under the monarchy, the Church, and the secular aristocracy. This chapter outlines the development of three Nordic kingdoms that grew into more state-like entities, until 1319 when the first of the Nordic unions was established between Norway and Sweden. Danish struggles over the succession to the throne from the 1130s to the 1150s were followed by the strong and expansionist Valdemarian monarchy which once more made Denmark the leading kingdom in Scandinavia. In Norway, the Norwegian church was centralised under the archbishop of Trondheim in 1152-3, and in the following decades the first steps were taken towards a nationally organised system of government. Scandinavian kingship entered a new phase in the high Middle Ages, reflected by the introduction of royal unction and coronation. There may have been early royal initiatives in provincial thing legislation in the Scandinavian kingdoms.
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