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This introduction shows how US Army officers used reports and other official correspondence to deploy specific narratives, constructing an identity for themselves and their institution premised on protecting women. This previously unacknowledged process erased or reframed evidence of women’s wartime activities. Yet, acknowledging this process reveals how paternalism shaped army culture; naturalized officers’ authority over enlisted men; and provided a cultural foundation for military law, policy, and strategy. Breaking up the fictive separation of women and war shows how army culture developed between 1835 and 1848. It also illuminates how that culture shaped, rather than removed, violence against women.
Chapter 2 shows how officers and enlisted men related to one another. Both groups were white, but where many officers were middle class, enlisted men were often poor immigrants with unstable access to white men’s privileges in the Jacksonian Era. Officers had to hold the army together to fight a war, and they could not do it by punishment alone. Much as officers sought to tame the Florida wilderness and the Seminole people, they sought to gentle their soldiers. As the regulars fought their enemies and struggled with each other, a shared culture emerged, premised on the common ideal that regulars should protect women. Hierarchical white male unity – based on the concept of the army family in which all military men protected and subordinated all women – helped the army function. This framework appealed to paternalistic officers because it allowed for intense distinctions (of rank) between white men. In this climate, although rhetoric rooted in the need to protect women could bolster army cohesion, it could also serve as a weapon. Soldiers used such language to rebut officers’ claims of superiority.
The conclusion analyzes the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and its provisions regarding protecting noncombatants. Focusing on what the treaty said about women reveals meaningful changes. Militaries could not imprison women, destroy their property, or seize their food without payment – all critical elements of army strategy a few years earlier in Florida. The treaty’s architects expanded noncombatant protections beyond women to encompass US ideas of civilization. It protected non-fighting men who behaved according to Euro-American notions of land use: merchants, manufacturers, and farmers. It did not protect Native people who adhered to lifeways that the US and Mexico considered uncivilized. Although the treaty established a European laws of war framework for future conflict between the republics of the US and Mexico, it equally legitimized a less restrained approach to disputes with uncivilized enemies whom it deemed criminals. In the army’s future “Indian Wars” the ideals of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo would help the US Army to legitimize violence used against Indigenous peoples.
Chapter 3 shifts focus to Seminole women. It tells the stories of their wide-ranging and vital involvement in the war. Women fed and clothed warriors, gathered ammunition, collected and shared information, spread misinformation, and lured enemies into attacks. They provided advice, leadership, diplomatic expertise, and negotiated conditions for surrender. The chapter also argues that by the war’s end in 1842, the army had reconciled its mission to remove Native groups from Florida with its imperative to protect women – ultimately choosing to frame the act of capturing women as the best way to bring women under military protection. The idea of capturing women to protect them (from savagery, from Seminole men, from white settlers) also drove changes in policy and military regulations that gave the army more freedom to take noncombatants as prisoners of war and violate flags of truce.
For more than a decade, filmmaker Michelle Memran worked creatively with Fornés on what would become the award-winning 2018 documentary The Rest I Make Up. The celebrated and widely screened film distilled some 400 hours of footage into a 79-minute exploration of a friendship and creative collaboration that began during the period when Fornés had “stopped writing” but had not yet received an Alzheimer’s diagnosis. Pearl and Memran’s co-written piece continues the collaborative process of critical reflection and creative compilation that guided the post-production phase of the film, when Katie Pearl joined the project as producer. Interweaving unused scenes from the film – transcribed from the original footage and presented here in “screenplay” form – with their own experiential observations, Pearl and Memran’s experimental memoir “documents” the complexity of María Irene Fornés’s role as “elder” during the last two decades of her life, a period beginning in 2000 and continuing through to Fornés’s death from dementia-related causes in 2018.
Although several scholars have expanded their selection criteria when editing anthologies of Latinx literature, they rarely include writings by colonial Creoles. Focusing on Francisco de Florencia (1620–1695), this chapter argues that his 1694 provincial chronicle of the Jesuits in New Spain deserves to be studied with other colonial texts that have been described as “symbolic precursors” to Latinx writings. Unlike other Spanish explorers and missionaries who traveled to the Spanish Borderlands, Florencia was born there; his hometown was Saint Augustine, he lived most of his life in Mexico City, and he spent almost a decade in southern Europe representing his religious province. Florencia’s frontier crossings offer early modern examples of border crossings, themes that emerge in the ways he deals with transnational experiences and influences, questions of belonging, and a sense of space. Even though sacred (or ecclesiastical) history is often overlooked in studies of Latinx literature, an analysis of the ways in which Florencia engages with earlier Spanish accounts of the Jesuit missions in La Florida is a unique window onto Creole identities in the early modern Spanish world.
This chapter explores the newspapers anarchists used to create and disseminate an anarchist Latinidad that was a radical, transnational, anti-capitalist, anticlerical, anti-imperial, and Spanish language-based identity forged initially by US-based migrant anarchists from Spain and Cuba. Using the anarchist press in Florida and New York, anarchists rejected the importance of identifying themselves as “Spanish” or “Cuban” and instead forged a cross-border working-class identity. In creating this identity, anarchists focused on their encounters with US capitalism and republican democracy from 1886 to 1898. Such encounters conditioned their perspectives on what an independent Cuba could look like and what it should avoid. Anarchists also debated whether or not to support the Cuban War for Independence. Was it just another nationalist project that would usher in a new, exploitative ruling elite, or could an independent, non-nationalist anarchist society be constructed? These latter debates began in mid-1891– three and a half years before the mambises launched their uprising against Spanish colonialism.
Since 2021, 18 states in the USA have restricted education on race and structural inequality. Conservative coalitions frame these restrictions as a war on “woke” ideologies. Through interviews with youth and educators in locales (Florida; Georgia; and York, Pennsylvania) that restrict education on race and structural inequality, I investigate the following: What discourses do students and educators use to describe bills that restrict race-related studies? What, if anything, do their discourses suggest about the perceived political implications of these restrictions?
In this study, I argue that gleaning students’ and educators’ views on “anti-woke” legislation sheds light on the perceived political consequences of these bills for American democracy. I find that students and educators perceive restrictions on race-related studies as epistemic injustices that divest society of the knowledge to identify, problematize, and redress the structural conditions that (re)produce racial subordination. For participants, the health of democracy is contingent on addressing racial disempowerment. Hence, they suggest that restrictions on race-related studies encumber democracy precisely because these policies impose epistemologies of racial ignorance that impede racial redress and allow systems of racial inequality to fester.
The H-2A temporary agricultural workers visa program is a federal program allowing agricultural employers to bring in foreign workers on a seasonal basis. The extent to which H-2A workers earn more compared to their domestic unauthorized counterparts is of interest for both producers and workers. Using novel data on citrus harvest workers in the state of Florida, we estimate hourly earnings differentials by legal status using Classical and Bayesian inference. Findings suggest that participation in the H-2A program is associated with 18–23% higher hourly earnings for migrant harvesters in Florida after controlling for observable demographic and work-related variables.
The American crocodile Crocodylus acutus occurs across the Americas, with its northernmost distribution being in South Florida, USA. This species has undergone severe declines across its range and is categorized globally as Vulnerable on the IUCN Red List and as Threatened on the U.S. Federal Endangered Species List. Long-term monitoring studies in the USA have documented a shift in American crocodile nesting activity and an expansion of its range throughout the southern and eastern coasts of South Florida. However, no successful American crocodile nests have been recorded until now on the west coast of South Florida. Here we document the American crocodile nest monitoring conducted during 1997–2021 at Rookery Bay National Estuarine Research Reserve and the first successful nest from the west coast of South Florida for C. acutus. Marco Airport and McIlvane Marsh are the two main American crocodile nesting areas identified at the Reserve, with 92 nests and 3,586 eggs recorded during 1997–2021. We found most nests at Marco Airport (95.7%) and only four nests (4.3%) at McIlvane Marsh. To date, none of the nests found at Marco Airport have produced successful hatchlings. In contrast, hatchlings have been produced at McIlvane Marsh since nests were first documented there in 2020. We discuss the implications of our findings in terms of the future conservation of the species.
Nontyphoidal salmonellosis is the leading reported foodborne illness in Florida. Although the diversity of Salmonella serotypes circulating in Florida has been identified, the geographical characteristics of the major serotypes are poorly described. Here we examined the geospatial patterns of 803 whole-genome sequenced Salmonella isolates within seven major serotypes (Enteritidis, Newport, Javiana, Sandiego, Braenderup, Typhimurium and I 4,[5],12:i:-) with the metadata obtained from Florida Department of Health during 2017–2018. Geographically, the distribution of incidence rates varied distinctively between serotypes. Illnesses with Enteritidis and Newport serotypes were widespread in Florida. The incidence rate for Javiana was relatively higher in the north compared to the south. Typhimurium was concentrated in the northwest, while I 4,[5],12:i:-, the monophasic variant of Typhimurium was limited to the south. We also evaluated space–time clustering of isolates at the zip code level using scan statistic models. Space–time clusters were detected for each major serotype during 2017–2018. The multinomial scan statistic found the risk of illness with Javiana was higher in the north and southwest in the fall of 2017 compared to other major serotypes. This serotype-specific clustering analysis will assist in further unpacking the associations between distinct reservoirs and illnesses with major serotypes in Florida.
The Florida orange juice industry has experienced great challenges—declining orange juice consumption and a domestic supply shortage that has led to increasing imports over the past decade. As growers look for a foothold, the question remains whether it is better to continue promoting orange juice (OJ) sales by focusing on the Florida “brand” or whether orange juice, in general, should be promoted using a federal marketing program. This study aims to identify the value of promoting “Florida” on OJ products to help the industry understand the potential benefits of enhancing the image of “Florida” in consumers’ perceptions of OJ.
Tropical forest ecosystems are rich in epiphytes that make up a significant portion of the overall plant diversity. However, epiphytic plants are often understudied due to inaccessibility and the lack of basic ecological information poses challenges to their conservation, particularly in a time of rapid global change. The mule-ear orchid, Trichocentrum undulatum (Orchidaceae), is a large flowering epiphyte found in southern Florida (USA), the Greater, and Lesser Antilles including Cuba. The plant is Florida state-listed as endangered with only one remaining small and declining population in a coastal mangrove forest due to historical extraction and habitat destruction. Currently, there is no systematic understanding of the species’ habitat requirements. To fill this void, we compared the habitat and microhabitat of the species on its northern distribution edge (southern Florida) and the core range (in Cuba). The Florida population has only one host species, Conocarpus erectus, found in one habitat type. This is in sharp contrast to the 92 documented hosts and 5 habitats across 8 provinces in Cuba. Based on our findings from Cuba, we suggest conservation and restoration options in Florida by proposing potential suitable host plants and habitats. Proactive restoration of this species will help to ease the threat from sea-level rise to the species by securing and expanding range margins.
Chapter 5 examines the gendered dimensions of maroon communities in America and the wider Atlantic world. Fugitive women joined maroon societies with their husbands and other family members. Runaways were a constant source of anxiety and fear. In the Caribbean and places such as Georgia, Florida, and the Gulf Coast and along the perimeter of the Virginia and North Carolina border in an area known as the Great Dismal Swamp, they were successful in establishing maroon societies. Such societies maintained their cohesiveness for many years. Given that the woods and swamps were spaces where the enslaved could exercise more autonomy than the fields and other open spaces on the plantation, fugitive women had more freedom in these spaces. The Revolutionary War not only prompted an increase in the number of runaways, but also provided the impetus for marronage.
Chapter 3 examines the ideas of the American Revolution and places fugitive slave women at the center of analysis. The impact of Dunmore’s Proclamation and the Philipsburg Proclamation are examined. From plantations, women escaped to cities and towns, North and South, fleeing poverty and malevolence. After the Philipsburg Proclamation, 40 percent of runaways were women. There were regional variations and similarities. In the South, enslaved women pursued refuge in Spanish Florida and with British troops during the Southern Campaign; in the Chesapeake, enslaved women fled to Pennsylvania and other Northern destinations often seeking refuge with British troops in the process of escaping; in the North and New England, fugitive women sought refuge with the British. In each of these regions, fugitive women also endeavored to pass as free women in urban spaces. Indeed, throughout the Revolutionary Era, enslaved women advanced their liberation through flight. The Revolutionary War bolstered the independence of Black women, gave them increased access to their families with whom they fled, and greater autonomy in their daily lives once they reached safe haven.
As our discussion in Chapter 6 makes clear, how judges are selected shapes the power dynamics of the judicial tug of war. This makes judicial selection itself a source of heated conflict, the subject we take up in Chapter 7. We use our judicial tug-of-war framework to explore how the parties respond or try to change existing judicial selection mechanisms. Specifically, as we show, the greater the misalignment between the ideological preferences of attorneys and politicians, the greater the incentives political elites will have to introduce ideological considerations into the judicial selection process. Understanding this dynamic, we argue, is key to both explaining and predicting attempts at judicial reform: Under current ideological configurations, conservatives will, depending on how liberal they perceive the bar to be, back reform efforts oriented toward partisan elections and executive appointments, while liberals will work to maintain merit-oriented commissions. We explore the contours of this predictive framework with three illustrative case studies: Florida in 2001, Kansas in 2011, and North Carolina in 2016.
To successfully reduce overall invasive plant cover over time, an effective treatment plan must be established such that mortality exceeds new colonization and resprouting growth rates. However, few evaluations of the effects of long-term, consistent treatment at different intervals exist. We report the effects of treatment intensity on Old World climbing fern [Lygodium microphyllum (Cav.) R. Br.], Brazilian pepper (Schinus terebinthifolia Raddi), and punktree [Melaleuca quinquenervia (Cav.) S. F. Blake] as part of a large restoration project that has been underway for 6 yr in Telegraph Swamp at Babcock Ranch Preserve, a 27,520-hectare (68,000-acre) conservation area in Florida, USA. We found that at the end of the 6-yr period, for all three species, average live cover did not exceed 5% across all transects. In addition, dead foliar cover was higher than live cover for all three invasive plants, indicating progress toward restoration goals. We also found that percent live cover of L. microphyllum was significantly reduced only after four or more treatments were applied during the 6-yr period, as opposed to when three or fewer treatments were applied. Reductions in percent cover of live foliage were apparent only when the treatments were applied more often than biennially, as opposed to less often than biennially. Additionally, we found higher L. microphyllum cover in clear-cut and replanted cypress stands than in natural stands. Based on these findings, we conclude that treatments applied four or more times, or more often than biennially, were more effective at significantly reducing advanced invasions of L. microphyllum, S. terebinthifolia, and M. quinquenervia, especially where previous management activities or their effects may have increased the cover of invasive plants.
Angiostrongylus cantonensis has been found in Florida, USA, from the panhandle in the north to Miami and surrounding areas in the southern parts of the state, in both definitive and intermediate hosts in a limited studies completed in 2015. Additional studies have identified this parasite in a variety of intermediate hosts, both native and non-native gastropod species, with new host species recorded. Many areas in Florida with higher A. cantonensis prevalence were those with a high human population density, which suggests it is a matter of time before human infections occur in Florida. Case reports in the state currently involve non-human primates and include a gibbon and orangutan in Miami. Here, we report the current status of A. cantonensis in the state, as well as the infection in a capuchin monkey and presumptive infection in a red ruffed lemur in Gainesville, Florida.
This paper investigates cost-share program attributes that would affect producers' willingness to enroll in a cost-share program to fund the adoption of best management practices to improve water quality and decrease water use. Through a survey administered to Florida agricultural producers, we conducted choice experiments to assess farmers’ preferences for cost-share programs using five attributes: contracting agency, length of contract, annual verification process, costs included, and percent of costs covered. Results suggest that producers prefer cost-share programs with shorter contract lengths, self-monitoring, and administration by agricultural (as opposed to environmental) agencies. Our findings suggest the importance of an existing trust between the local communities and the contracting agencies for higher enrollment rates in cost –share programs. Our results can inform policymakers on ways to increase enrollment rates that move towards long-term environmental goals.