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Summary

In this chapter, I address some further phenomena of German syntax that would seem to lend themselves to an analysis in terms of structure removal. However, the analyses are carried out in much less detail, as the overall goal is not so much to develop full-fledged accounts but to make a case for structure removal at work in each of the constructions. For concreteness, the chapter addresses bridge verbs (where a DP shell on top of a CP is removed), applicatives (where a full DP is removed), null objects (where, again, a DP is removed), pseudo-noun incorporation (where a DP dominating an NP is removed), nominal concord (where the well-known case/cyclicity dilemma with concord is approached by postulating temporary removal of case assigners), and ellipsis (where structure removal may give rise to constructions like gapping, sluicing, and determiner sharing).

The paper presents an account of the (non-)realization of the DP shell in presuppositional clauses within a system where such clauses are uniformly DPs. It is argued that the DP shell is realized by a spanning verb (in languages like Russian) or a spanning complementizer (in languages like English). The analysis is extended to account for the distribution of complementizer drop.

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7 - Further Phenomena

Summary

Spanning complement-taking verbs and spanning complementizers: On the realization of presuppositional clauses

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2 results

7 - Further Phenomena

Summary

Spanning complement-taking verbs and spanning complementizers: On the realization of presuppositional clauses