5.1 Introduction
We tend to think that we are prima facie morally entitled to determine the course of our own lives to some degree, and to make our own decisions about matters that are personal to us. Dworkin speaks of our “right to make decisions about the character of [our] lives”.Footnote 1 Feinberg suggests that we plausibly have a personal domain over which we are “sovereign” and hence where we “alone” have the final say about “what is to happen”.Footnote 2 And Akhlaghi defends the idea that we have a pro tanto or defeasible moral right to “autonomous self-making” – viz. a pro tanto moral right to autonomously decide to make certain “transformative choices” that will influence how our lives will go and who we will become.Footnote 3
These differing claims all circle around the thought that we have a moral right to, what we might call, “self-determination” or “self-authorship”. They support the thought that we have a pro tanto moral right to make and pursue certain personal and/or self-regarding decisions for ourselves such that we ought not to be prevented in doing so by third parties – at least insofar as these decisions and actions are indeed self-regarding or personal and do not (threaten to) violate the rights of, or otherwise harm, others.
A legal right to self-determination is inherent in our system of human rights and explicitly recognised under Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which “embraces, among other things, a right to self-determination”.Footnote 4 Furthermore, Article 8 ECHR has been interpreted by the ECtHR as encompassing the protection of “personal development” and “personal autonomy”Footnote 5 – two concepts closely resembling, and which have been understood to roughly equate to, the self-determination described above.
This chapter examines the case for a legal right to mental self-determination, highlighting the legal and moral rationales that support such a right, before interrogating what such a right might imply for the case of neurorehabilitation. More specifically, we are interested in the positive dimension of such a right to mental self-determination. That is, the right to voluntarily alter and exercise control over our mental states, for example, with the help of neurotechnologies, psychoactive drugs or psychological techniques, without being thwarted in these efforts by third parties. Such a right is sometimes alternatively referred to as a right to cognitive liberty.Footnote 6
The question of whether we have a right to mental self-determination has become increasingly pertinent as new and emerging tools for altering our mental experiences develop. We can now avail of psychological techniques such as cognitive behavioural therapy or mindfulness strategies should we wish to alter our patterns of thinking.Footnote 7 Various pharmaceuticals can, or may soon, aid us in supplanting our negative emotions, anxious thoughts or traumatic memories.Footnote 8 And in future years, we may be able to avoid experiencing certain mental states with the aid of closed-loop brain technology – devices that can not only detect patterns in neural activity but also respond to them by stimulating the brain. Such devices may halt particular patterns of activity before they can manifest themselves.Footnote 9 The options available to us for exercising mental self-determination are thus increasing.
The question of whether we have a legal right to mental self-determination, including by accessing neurotechnologies or psychological techniques, therefore arises.Footnote 10 And the answer to this question has relevance for our analysis of whether convicted persons have a rights-based claim to neurorehabilitation – that is, for the question of whether human rights protection of persons’ powers of mental self-determination at least sometimes supports a rights-based claim to access neurorehabilitation (and if so, when).
The plan for this chapter is as follows. In section 5.2, we examine the legal and moral arguments that have been, or might be, advanced in support of persons’ legal right to self-determine or exert control over their mental states, including by accessing neurotechnologies. We then interrogate whether and when this putative right to mental self-determination might imply a state duty to offer or provide neurorehabilitation in section 5.3.
Three brief clarifications before we begin. First, in this chapter, as in elsewhere in the book, our interest is in examining the case for a legal right (henceforth, just right) to mental self-determination, but we explore both legal and moral rationales for such a right. By a legal rationale, we mean the sort of rationale that establishes the existence of a right by drawing on existing law. By a moral rationale we mean a rationale that appeals to moral reasons or principles in defending the case for embracing and accommodating a given right.Footnote 11 Second, when discussing the human rights protection of private life, we use the phrases “respect for private life” and “respect for privacy” interchangeably. Third, in this chapter, we focus on the positive right to exert control over one’s thoughts, including with the aid of neurotechnologies, but note that, in the literature, the right to mental self-determination has been invoked to denote both this positive right, and the negative right against third party interference with a person’s mental states – which we understand as the right to mental integrity.Footnote 12
5.2 Legal and Moral Rationales for a Human Right to Mental Self-Determination
5.2.1 Introduction
There are a number of routes by which we could defend the existence – or argue the case for embracing – a right to mental self-determination, four of which we shall consider below. The first three routes advance legal rationales for a right to mental self-determination, respectively, (1) by claiming that such a right implicitly suffuses liberal legal and political orders, or could be derived specifically (2) from the right to freedom of thought or (3) from the more general right to self-determination, as protected in the right to respect for private life pursuant to Article 8 ECHR and Article 17 ICCPR. The fourth route advances a moral argument for accommodating a right to mental self-determination within our systems of human rights. This route involves arguing, firstly, that we have moral reasons for thinking that states have a defeasible moral duty not to thwart people’s attempts to alter and exercise control over their own mental states, including with the aid of neuro- and other technologies. This route then makes a case for the desirability of enforcing this moral duty by accommodating a right to mental self-determination within our systems of human rights.
We shall unpack these routes in turn but, note, that only two of them specify how persons’ powers of mental self-determination might find concrete protection in human rights law – the routes that see the right to mental self-determination as either a derivative right of the right to respect for private life or a derivative right of the right to freedom of thought. In the discussion that follows, we work on the assumption that the rationales discussed are capable of supporting, either that a legal right to mental self-determination already exists, or that it can be accommodated in existing law. We assume this while acknowledging that some scholars have appealed to one or more of these rationales when defending a need to recognise a self-standing right to mental self-determination.Footnote 13
5.2.2 A Right to Mental Self-Determination as Implicit in Law
Turning now to the first rationale, the idea is that a right to mental self-determination is implicit in liberal legal and political orders. Bublitz makes this kind of argument, in a seminal paper co-authored with Merkel, and then again in later work.Footnote 14 Bublitz’s reasoning is as follows. His first claim is that liberal legal orders are premised on the idea that persons are freely-deciding beings and the principal authors of the preferences on which their decisions and actions are based. He justifies this claim by highlighting how the law holds people accountable for their actions and “antecedent mental states” as if they are freely deciding.Footnote 15 His second claim is that legal orders premised on the idea of freely deciding persons must legally protect persons’ powers of mental self-determination if they are to avoid “internal incoherences”.Footnote 16 The point is that a legal order that treats people as though they are freely deciding or mentally self-determining when they lack legal powers to be so would be an incoherent one. And insofar as our legal orders are not incoherent, Bublitz argues we must have legal powers in the form of a right to mental self-determination. Importantly, Bublitz emphasises, this is not a matter of our legal orders having to grant us a right to mental self-determination. Rather, our legal orders are simply “bound by reasons of inner consistency to (…) embrace” a right to mental self-determination,Footnote 17 owing to the fact that mental self-determination is “among the basic assumptions on which liberal legal orders are built”.Footnote 18
The idea that a right to mental self-determination is somehow implicit in the law is also suggested by Farahany,Footnote 19 Sententia,Footnote 20 and BoireFootnote 21 – though these authors do not appeal to reasons of internal consistency when making their claims. Instead, they appeal to the idea that a right to mental self-determination is necessary for the enjoyment of all other rights and freedoms the law protects. Farahany insists that:
a careful reading of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) suggests that an individual right to self-determination is a necessary precondition for all the individuals rights in enumerates, including the right to be equal in dignity (Article 1 of the UDHR); to be free from discrimination (Article 7); to privacy (Article 12); freedom of expression (Article 19); and the right to one’s own personality (Article 22, which secures to an “individual economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality”).Footnote 22
Farahany further claims that the importance of mental self-determination for the realisation of all of our other rights and freedoms has been noted by the U.S. Supreme Court, albeit not in these exact words. She points, for example, to the Supreme Court’s comment in Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coal., that “the right to think is the beginning of freedom”, and to their comment in Palko v. Connecticut that “freedom of thought (…) is the matrix, the indispensable condition, of nearly every other form of freedom”.Footnote 23 And she insists that the right to self-determination includes, among other things, a right to mental self-determination or “the right to choose how we will change our own brain and mental experiences”.Footnote 24
Farahany’s claim that mental self-determination is “essential to all other legal rights” and for “securing our most cherished freedoms” also surfaces in the work of Sententia and Boire.Footnote 25 Sententia describes a right to mental self-determination as “fundamental” and “the necessary substrate for just about every other freedom”.Footnote 26 Boire likewise pronounces mental self-determination as “the quintessence of freedom” – as something that must be afforded legal protection if notions of freedom, so central to our legal and political orders, are “to mean anything”.Footnote 27
These observations parallel a qualification made by the France representative René Cassin during the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Speaking about the right to freedom of thought specifically, Cassin suggested this right was “the basis and the origin of all other rights”.Footnote 28 The UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief likewise emphasised, in their recent report to the UN General Assembly, “the essentiality of ‘freedom of thought’ for the dignity, agency and existence of the human being”.Footnote 29 And while the protection of persons’ powers of mental self-determination may be broader than the protection of freedom of thought (as noted in section 5.2.3), conceptual affinities between freedom of thought and mental self-determination as we have defined it clearly exist. This renders the above comments relevant for a defence of the claim that a right to mental self-determination is implicit in law, owing to its importance for individual freedom.
5.2.3 A Right to Mental Self-Determination as Protected by the Right to Freedom of Thought
A second, though related, route by which we might defend the existence of persons’ right to mental self-determination is by seeing it as a derivative right of the right to freedom of thought pursuant to Article 18 ICCPR and Article 9 ECHR.Footnote 30
Although we acknowledge the relevance of the right to freedom of thought for the protection of mental self-determination, we do not focus on this particular way to carve out space for a right to mental self-determination for two reasons. First, because we think it more straightforward to understand persons’ right to mental self-determination as inherent in the more general right to self-determination (section 5.2.4). And second, because we do not wish to limit our analysis to the protection of self-determination over ‘thoughts’ alone. Rather, we are aiming to identify the contours of a more holistic right that may also apply to the self-determination of mental phenomena that are not plausibly covered by the right to freedom of thought, including feelings, behavioural control and empathic abilities – which are (also) potential targets of neurorehabilitation.Footnote 31
Furthermore, deriving a right to mental self-determination from the right to freedom of thought faces another complexity, as the latter is often considered to be an absolute right. However, it seems that if mental self-determination is to find protection within the law, then it should take the form of non-absolute protection. Bublitz and Merkel say something similar when defending a right to mental self-determination.Footnote 32 Accepting that the right to freedom of thought protects against “severe” interferences with contents of opinion, thinking processes and patterns of thought, they claim that “there ought to be another, presumably non-absolute right protecting the mind”.Footnote 33 Deriving a right to mental self-determination from the right to freedom of thought may render the right absolute, meaning that persons could never be legally prevented from altering or exerting control over their thoughts, including with the aid of neuro- and other technologies, under any circumstances. And affording mental self-determination this kind of legal protection seems to be too strong, while potentially giving rise to some counter-intuitive implications. It could mean, for instance, that states may never block a person’s access to mental self-determination-enhancing neurotechnologies, even when accessing such technologies risks occasioning great harm to that person and/or others.Footnote 34 This seems to be an undesirable implication, and hence provides another reason not to harness the right to freedom of thought as the vehicle by which to afford a right to mental self-determination concrete legal protection.
5.2.4 A Right to Mental Self-Determination as Protected by the Right to Privacy
A third way a right to mental self-determination might be defended involves arguing that such a right is derivable from – and hence protected by – the right to respect for private life, as enshrined in Article 17 ICCPR and Article 8 ECHR.Footnote 35 This possibility has been noted by Michalowski in her suggestion that “a prima facie right to use mind-changing tools (…) is an argument that can potentially be made under Article 8(1)” ECHR.Footnote 36 We expand on this possibility in the paragraphs that follow, first by drawing on the case law that interprets the relevant legal provisions as protecting a general right to self-determination. We then argue that persons’ right to self-determination contains or implies a right to mental self-determination. This line of argument finds support in some remarks made by the relevant treaty bodies.
The idea that persons’ right to respect for private life protects a general right to self-determination has received most attention in the European context. Recall that the ECtHR in Parillo/Italy explicitly recognised that the concept of “private life” within the meaning of Article 8 ECHR embraces a “right to self-determination”.Footnote 37 Relatedly, as indicated in previous chapters, the ECtHR’s case law on Article 8 ECHR interprets “private life” broadly, interpreting it as covering, for instance, the physical and psychological integrity of the person,Footnote 38 “multiple aspects of the person’s physical, social and ethnic identity”,Footnote 39 and persons’ freedom to lead a “private social life”.Footnote 40 The protection of private life under Article 8 ECHR has also been interpreted as implying a right to personal autonomy and personality development – two concepts that, as said, closely resemble self-determination as we have defined it. Personal autonomy, just like self-determination, “evokes the image of a person in charge of” and “part author” of their own lives – at least on one understanding of personal autonomy.Footnote 41 Personal or personality development is plausibly also a large component of what it means to self-determine the course of one’s life and to become the person one wants to be.
Some cases prior to Parillo/Italy made room for a right to self-determination by emphasising how a right to personality development is protected under Article 8 ECHR. In an early case of the European Commission of Human Rights (EComHR), the Commission, though rejecting the applicant’s claim that the freedom to keep a dog was protected under the “private life” of Article 8 ECHR, observed that “the right to respect for private life comprises, to a certain degree, the right to establish and to develop relationships with other human beings, especially in the emotional field for the development and the fulfilment of one’s own personality”.Footnote 42 This position was reiterated in Bruggermann and Scheuten/Federal Republic of Germany, where the Commission ruled that although not every state action that limits an “individual’s possibility of developing his personality (…) constitute[s] an interference with private life in the sense of Article 8 of the Convention”, Article 8 guarantees the individual “a sphere within which he can freely pursue the development and fulfilment of this personality”.Footnote 43 These early cases thus carved out a space for a right to self-determination by emphasising how private life encompasses personality development, at least to a certain degree.
Other cases of the ECtHR likewise made room for a right to self-determination by emphasising how personal autonomy is protected under Article 8 ECHR. In these cases, the ECtHR has gradually moved from talking about personal autonomy as merely an important notion or principle underlying the interpretation of Article 8 to talking about personal autonomy as a right of persons. The reference to personal autonomy in Pretty/the United Kingdom – a case concerning assisted suicide – is an example of the former.Footnote 44 Here, the Court asserted that while “no previous case has established as such any right to self-determination as being contained in Article 8 of the Convention, the Court considers that the notion of personal autonomy is an important principle underlying the interpretation of its guarantees”.Footnote 45 It is exactly this consideration to which the Grand Chamber referred in Parrillo/Italy when holding that a right to self-determination is covered by the right to respect for private life in Article 8 ECHR.Footnote 46
References to a right to personal autonomy then began in the case of M.C./Bulgaria – a case concerning the positive duties arising under Articles 3 and 8 ECHR with respect to effective legal protection against rape – when Judge Tulkens proclaimed that “rape infringes not only the right to personal integrity (…) but also the right to autonomy as a component of the right to respect for private life”.Footnote 47 Subsequent judgments of the ECtHR reaffirmed this relationship between the right to respect for private life and the right to personal autonomy.Footnote 48 For instance, the ECtHR in Evans/the United Kingdom observed that private life “encompass[es], inter alia, aspects of an individual’s physical and social identity, including the right to personal autonomy [and] personal development”.Footnote 49 At the same time, some other judgments of the Court specifically proposed a connection between the rights protected under Article 8 ECHR and persons’ self-determination.Footnote 50 For example, the ECtHR in Connors/the United Kingdom stipulated that Article 8 concerns, among other things, “rights of central importance to the individual’s identity [and] self-determination”.Footnote 51
Similar developments have happened internationally and in the inter-American context with regard to the interpretation of Article 17 ICCPR and Article 11 American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR). The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has identified a similar range of rights inherent in the protection of privacy (guaranteed by Article 11 ACHR), as have been identified as covered by the right to the respect of private life in the European context. To quote from the Inter-American Court’s espousal of the point in ArtaviaMurillo v. Costa Rica (a case concerning in-vitro fertilisation):
The protection of private life encompasses a series of factors associated with the dignity of the individual, including, for example, the ability to develop his or her own personality and aspirations, to determine his or her own identity and to define his or her own personal relationships (…) [It] encompasses aspects of physical and social identity, including the right to personal autonomy, personal development (…) The effective exercise of the right to private life is decisive for the possibility of exercising personal autonomy on the future course of relevant events for a person’s quality of life (…) and [it] is an essential condition for the free development of the personality.Footnote 52
The Inter-American Court elsewhere links the right to respect for private life to “a person’s right to self-determination and to freely choose the options and circumstances that give meaning to his or her existence, in accordance with his or her own choices and convictions”.Footnote 53 And the UN Human Rights Committee’s development of Article 17 ICCPR – while not specifically relying on the concepts of self-determination or personal autonomy – nonetheless suggests, in an opinion appended to the Committee’s views in Hertzberg et al./Finland, that the right to privacy pursuant to Article 17 ICCPR protects “the right to be different and live accordingly”.Footnote 54 This perhaps suggests a right to personal autonomy or self-determination. As Nowak/Schabas write in their commentary on Article 17 ICCPR, “privacy covers that area of individual autonomy in which human beings strive to achieve self-realization by way of actions that do not interfere with the liberty of others. This liberty of action inherent in private self-determination may be exercised alone or together with others”.Footnote 55
All of the above illustrates that the right to respect for private life – a right most extensively developed in the case law pertaining to Article 8 ECHR – has been interpreted as protecting a right to personal autonomy, self-determination or something similar to these concepts. Precisely what the right to self-determination amounts to – that is, its precise substance or the specific kinds of interests it covers – is still very much a matter of debate for the courts. Clearly, and to quote from Gross, “not every curtailment of autonomy is a compromise of privacy”.Footnote 56 We must therefore ascertain the kinds of incursions on autonomy or self-determination that could raise an issue under the right to respect for private life, before we can comment on whether the right to personal autonomy/self-determination implies a right to specifically mental self-determination.
Some remarks of the ECtHR prove instructive here. In particular, the observation that the right to self-determination protects the most “intimate” aspects of how we conduct our lives.Footnote 57 The idea that intimacy considerations demarcate just which exercises of personal autonomy or self-determination qualify for protection under the right to privacy is also espoused by a number of philosophical and legal scholars, and by the U.S. Supreme Court in its assessment of the U.S. Constitution’s protection of privacy. Both Gerety and Inness assert respectively that “intimacy is the chief restricting concept”Footnote 58 and “the common denominator”Footnote 59 of privacy. The U.S. Supreme Court likewise characterises privacy as an “interest in independence in making certain kinds of important decisions”Footnote 60 – those that deal with matters “involving the most intimate and personal choices a person may make in a lifetime”Footnote 61 which include “decisions relating to marriage (…); procreation (…); contraception (…); family relationships (…); and childrearing and education”.Footnote 62
Evidently, the kinds of matters that count as “the most intimate and personal” is still a further question, and the above comment of the U.S. Supreme Court – referencing marriage, procreation, family and so on – names but a few candidates. The ECtHR has clearly disqualified some acts from the category of intimate and personal. In the case of Friend and Countryside Alliance and others/the United Kingdom, for instance, it ruled that a ban on hunting “was too far removed from the personal autonomy of the applicants (…) for the hunting bans to amount to an interference with the rights under Article 8”.Footnote 63 This remained the case notwithstanding that the applicants derived “an obvious sense of enjoyment and public fulfilment” from participating in hunting.Footnote 64
Other activities have been suggested to be sufficiently personal or intimate as to qualify for protection under the right to self-determination. Activities and choices pertaining to bodily matters, for one, seem to have acquired such a status, so long as these activities and choices are (i) purely self-regarding and do not involve non-consensual bodily interference with others; and (ii) do not risk rights violations or human error and abuse, if protected in law. So, for instance, the ECtHR has observed that personal autonomy under Article 8 ECHR protects “the right to make choices about one’s own body” including choices pertaining to sexual relations which are among “the most intimate in the private sphere” – so long as the other parties involved in these sexual relations validly consent to them.Footnote 65
The ECtHR has likewise observed, in the case of Pretty/the United Kingdom, that the principle of personal autonomy enshrined in Article 8(1) ECHR includes a “right to make choices about one’s own body”.Footnote 66 It did this while also noting the caveat mentioned earlier: that an interference with the exercise of an Article 8 ECHR right could be compatible with Article 8(2) ECHR if (i) it is in accordance with the law, (ii) pursues a legitimate aim and (iii) is necessary in a democratic society for that aim.Footnote 67 The Court in Pretty considered whether a blanket ban on assisted suicide violated the applicant’s right to respect for private life. The conclusion was that, while the personal autonomy of the applicant was at stake in this case, the United Kingdom’s blanket ban on assisted suicide was not disproportionate to protect the rights and freedoms of others – and hence did not involve a violation of Article 8 ECHR – because “clear risks of abuse” would exist if such a provision were relaxed.Footnote 68 The upshot of this reasoning thus seems to be that bodily choices are protected under the right to respect for private life up to a certain point – so long as they do not violate or risk future violations of the rights and freedoms of others.Footnote 69
Further observations of the ECtHR go beyond characterising the intimacies of personal autonomy or self-determination solely in bodily terms. Some remarks indicate a broader understanding of these intimacies – as those choices and aspects of our lives where, to use Rubenfeld’s words, “our identity or self-definition is at stake”.Footnote 70 The ECtHR has observed that matters pertaining to the development and expression of one’s gender identity come under the ambit of private life and hence self-determination.Footnote 71 Decisions to take steps to become a genetic parentFootnote 72 or to endeavour to discover one’s genetic originsFootnote 73 also come under Article 8 ECHR’s ambit. Furthermore, the ECtHR held that a person’s “ability to exercise a conscious and considered choice regarding the fate of her embryos concerns an intimate aspect of her personal life and accordingly relates to her right to self-determination”.Footnote 74
Regardless of whether the right to self-determination is understood solely in terms of bodily autonomy, or in terms of self-authorship or identity-creation more generally, the prospects for deriving a right to mental self-determination from it seem promising. From one vantage, taking steps to exert control over what is in or on one’s mind is an exercise of bodily autonomy – or more precisely, it is an exercise of bodily autonomy insofar as we assume that the body (brain) and mind are intimately related. From another vantage, a person’s mental life seems as crucial to that person’s identity as something can get. The mind, just like the body, is often considered to be very closely linked to a person’s self. Bublitz and Merkel assert, for instance, that “what is even more constitutive of a subject than her body is her mind”.Footnote 75 And on some views of the nature of the self, the mind, or some portion of it, is the self. Descartes famously identified the mind with the self,Footnote 76 and indeed some physicalists, in identifying the mind with the brain, also see the mind/brain as akin to the self.Footnote 77
But even if the mind is not coextensive with the self, it is plausible that a certain, minimal degree of control over one’s mental life is necessary for a person to play some role in determining and developing their own personality, identity or self.Footnote 78 How, after all, could an individual make authentic choices about the kind of person they wish to be unless they possess at least some ability to exert control over their choices and the thoughts or mental states from which these choices stem? We can imagine a person who, for instance, due to severe mental illness or supreme environmental stressors,Footnote 79 cannot focus their mental states in the direction they wish, cannot reject or seek to divert their attention away from unwanted mental states, and cannot change their mental states even when this is something they desire. In this situation, it seems obvious that the relevant person cannot even partly author their own decisions at this point in time. Consider, more specifically, how a person who struggles to control their urge to lash out aggressively has less control or authorship over their personality, identity or life than they might otherwise have done, notwithstanding that they can still exert control over other aspects of their personality – for example, whether they are compassionate or generous.
The case law of the ECtHR does not specify a link between the development of personality or identity and mental self-determination. This Court does, however, link the development of personality to one’s mental life, or more precisely, to one’s mental stability. As indicated in Chapter 2, in their judgments in Bensaid/the United Kingdom and in Odièvre/France, the ECtHR stipulated that “the preservation of mental stability is (…) an indispensable precondition to effective enjoyment of the right to respect for private life” or the right to identity and personal development contained therein.Footnote 80 Granted, mental stability is not synonymous with mental self-determination (indeed, it is more suggestive of mental health).Footnote 81 But maintaining mental stability plausibly requires some degree of mental control or mental self-determination. Consider how reduced executive control or executive dysfunction is associated with certain mental health conditions.Footnote 82 Consider, too, how emotional control is often considered important for the maintenance of mental stability or mental health.Footnote 83
The above observations about the relationship between body and mind, mind and self, and mental stability and mental control, all indicate that there is scope to derive a right to mental self-determination from the already elaborated right to self-determination or personal autonomy. Moreover, the fact that the right to bodily autonomy has been observed (in at least one piece of case lawFootnote 84) to protect a person’s prerogative to use assisted reproduction technologies suggests that the right to mental self-determination could, likewise, be interpreted as protecting a prerogative to use mental control-enhancing neurotechnologies in certain circumstances.
It may be that the right to mental self-determination will not be interpreted as protecting this prerogative on occasions when (i) a country’s domestic law prohibits access to relevant technologies, and (ii) in the opinion of the relevant courts, allowing access to mental control-enhancing neurotechnologies creates a clear risk of abuse. Recall how the ECtHR emphasised in Pretty/the United Kingdom that interference with the exercise of an Article 8 ECHR right could be compatible with Article 8(2) ECHR if the interference is in accordance with domestic law and necessary and proportionate for fulfilling the aims laid out in Article 8(2).Footnote 85 Therefore, insofar as the two mentioned conditions are not fulfilled, a right to mental self-determination, inherent in the right to private life, could lend support to a rights-based claim to freely make use of self-enhancing neurotechnology.
5.2.5 A Moral Argument for a Right to Mental Self-Determination
A fourth way we might justify a right to mental self-determination is by demonstrating, first, that we have a pro tanto (i.e., defeasible) moral right to mental self-determination and, second, that it may be desirable to practically implement and enforce this right through law. As to the first of these claims, one of us has recently defended the related claim that we have a moral right to acquire control over our thoughts, with this putative right being understood as a pro tanto right that others not interfere with our attempts to acquire the wherewithal for such control, including by accessing psychological techniques or neurotechnologies.Footnote 86 The arguments harnessed to make this related claim can, we think, be repurposed as arguments for a pro tanto moral right to self-determination and we shall repurpose them accordingly here. Recall that we understand a right to mental self-determination as a right that others not interfere with our attempts to alter and exercise control over our thoughts including with the help of neurotechnologies, psychoactive drugs or psychological techniques. Consider then how this putative right is closely related to, but not wholly coextensive with, the putative moral right to acquire the wherewithal for mental control.
Whether we have a moral right to mental self-determination depends, at least in part, on whether we have an interest in being mentally self-determining. That we have such an interest seems plausible. Farahany claims we have such an interest when asserting that mental self-determination is “a fundamental interest essential to individual and social flourishing”Footnote 87 and that “respecting people’s right to self-determination (…) will (…) enable human flourishing”.Footnote 88 The credibility of this claim becomes evident, moreover, when we consider how the power to alter and exercise control over our thoughts likely has value for us on many prominent theories of well-being.Footnote 89
Mental state theories, for instance, consider mental self-determination to have instrumental value insofar as our mentally self-determining acts produce positive mental statesFootnote 90 – something that is at least sometimes likely, given that persons are typically motivated to achieve such states.Footnote 91 Desire-satisfaction or preferentist theories likewise attribute value to mental self-determination: this time insofar as, and to the extent that, having powers of mental self-determination is something we desire (non-instrumental value), and insofar as we exercise our powers of mental self-determination to produce mental states that we desire to have (instrumental value).Footnote 92 Lastly, objective list theories frequently assign non-instrumental value to self-determination more generally or to closely related powers such as autonomy.Footnote 93 Indeed, one particular objective list theory explicitly equates well-being with powers of self-determination.Footnote 94 And mental self-determination, as suggested in the previous section, can reasonably be considered a facet of self-determination more generally.
Our interest in having powers of mental self-determination is, however, not enough to justify our possessing a moral right to it. There are many things we have an interest in securing – for example, wealth and others’ esteem – to which we do not have a moral right, notwithstanding that our interest in having these things may sometimes be powerful. Thus, for persons to have a moral right to mental self-determination, it must also be the case that our interest in having mental self-determination is accompanied by some other justifying reason for the right – that is, by some reason that explains why third parties have a pro tanto duty to respect this particular interest, as against other interests of ours.
One candidate reason appeals to the idea that our mental life is “our business” or ours alone to control,Footnote 95 and motivates this idea by making an analogy with how we typically envisage our relationship with, and our powers over, our bodies. Douglas and Forsberg appeal to this analogy when arguing that one commonly advanced justification for a legal right to bodily integrity – namely, that our body is something over which we are “sovereign” just as states are sovereign over their territory – provides like support for a defeasible legal right to mental integrity.Footnote 96 They point to how the philosophical and legal literature is replete with claims that we have sovereignty over our bodies and hence have a presumptive right that others not interfere with our self-regarding bodily choices.Footnote 97 This idea is also prevalent in our folk intuitions and everyday practice. Think of how we typically judge that people should be afforded the freedom to obtain a facelift, a tattoo or a piercing from a willing expert if they so wish. Think, too, of how we usually consider a person’s reproductive and medical choices are theirs to make, at least presumptively.Footnote 98 Douglas and Forsberg suggest, then, that insofar as we accept we have a degree of sovereignty over our self-regarding bodily choices, justificatory consistency requires that we also accept we have like sovereignty over our minds. To quote from them directly:
Though discussions of (…) personal sovereignty more frequently draw out implications for the body than for the mind, it seems clear that appeals to self-ownership or personal sovereignty will also support rights over the mind, since the mind clearly also either is, is part of, or is closely connected to, the self. Indeed, most currently dominant accounts of the self give the mind a more central role than the body in the self.Footnote 99
Building on Douglas and Forsberg’s points, our argument here is that if we have a limited degree of sovereignty over our minds, we have a second reason for thinking that persons have a pro tanto moral duty to refrain from interfering with our acts of mental self-determination, aside from the interest-based reason advanced above. This second reason presents a route by which to justify just why our interest in mental self-determination is an interest that third parties are presumptively obliged to respect. Our preliminary case for a moral right to mental self-determination therefore rests on two claims: (1) the claim that we have a (presumably strong) interest in having powers of mental self-determination and (2) the claim that we are the legitimate sovereigns over our mind.
Arguing for a moral right to mental self-determination is all well and good, but as earlier indicated, our interest is in exploring how the putative moral right to mental self-determination might be harnessed in the service of defending a corresponding legal right. The existence of a moral right does not straightforwardly imply a legal right or the need to recognise one, even allowing that human rights in general are often thought to mirror underlying moral rights. For a moral right to merit practical implementation and enforcement in law, a further argumentative step is required – one that justifies why the law should be concerned about such a right.
One relevant reason that might be offered in the case of the right to mental self-determination appeals to the idea that a corresponding legal right is necessary because of the potentially increasing ease with which persons’ efforts at mental self-determination might be frustrated. Why think that persons’ efforts at mental self-determination might sometimes be readily frustrated, and in the future, perhaps more so? Well, because advances in pharmaceuticals, psychological techniques and neurotechnologies mean that persons increasingly have the possibility to make use of a wider range of external tools to aid their efforts at altering and controlling their mental states. These externalised acts of mental self-determination will invariably be easier to frustrate than “within-the-head-exercises” of mental self-determination. Many exercises of mental self-determination, after all, enjoy a level of “natural” protection by virtue of the fact that they take place in our brains, shielded from the outside world by the skull.Footnote 100 Our externalised efforts at mental self-determination do not enjoy this same kind of natural protection. If the state wishes to frustrate your efforts to alter your mental states with the aid of a good book, cognitive behavioural therapy, a psychedelic drug or a brain stimulation technique, it is simply a matter of denying you recourse, or frustrating your access, to these tools (perhaps sometimes through criminalisation),Footnote 101 rather than interfering with your existing brain states. And insofar as it is possible to frustrate access to these tools (which it clearly is), we have a candidate reason as to why the putative moral right to mental self-determination is something the law should be concerned about protecting. The ever-expanding range of tools at our disposal for facilitating mental self-determination arguably makes this concern even more exigent.
Saying that a moral right to mental self-determination exists and ought to be legally protected, however, is not the same as saying that we need to create a self-standing right to mental self-determination. Some scholars have argued for the need to recognise such a self-standing right.Footnote 102 But as earlier indicated, we are open to, and have defended, the possibility that a right to mental self-determination can be derived from the existing right to respect for private life as covered by, for example, Article 8 ECHR. Our invoking of a moral argument for a legal right to mental self-determination is therefore not intended to support calls for a new, self-standing right to mental self-determination. Rather, we are simply highlighting that there is (at least) one plausible moral argument that favours embracing and accommodating a legal right to mental self-determination, while allowing that this accommodation could be done in a variety of ways, including by seeing this right as a derivative right of the right to respect for private life.Footnote 103
5.3 A State Duty to Provide Neurorehabilitation?
Our discussion thus far has focused on three routes by which we might defend and carve out space for a right to mental self-determination. We must now consider whether this right grounds a state duty to offer or provide “mental self-determination-enabling” neurotechnologies to relevant convicted persons. Clearly, no understanding of such a duty has been articulated or developed in the relevant jurisprudence to date. Much remains open for interpretation. Moreover, on initial examination, one might surmise that persons’ right to respect for private life does not necessarily entail a state duty to provide neurotechnologies to any given population.
We say this because privacy rights are typically characterised in negative terms – a characterisation that is largely reiterated in the associated case law and general comments. Article 17 ICCPR refers only to persons’ right to legal protection from “arbitrary or unlawful interference” with their privacy.Footnote 104 The UN Human Rights Committee reiterates that “Article 17 [ICCPR] provides for the right of every person to be protected against arbitrary or unlawful interference with his privacy.”Footnote 105 The primarily negative character of the rights protected under Article 8 ECHR is also emphasised by the ECtHR. The ECtHR has stated that the primary object of Article 8 ECHR “is essentially that of protecting the individual against arbitrary interference by the public authorities”.Footnote 106 Indeed, in the case of Chapman/the United Kingdom, the ECtHR effectively denied that Article 8 ECHR grounds a state duty to provide measures that might help persons realise or enjoy the rights contained therein.Footnote 107 Referring to Article 8’s protection of the right to respect for home, the ECtHR in Chapman stated that “Article 8 does not (…) give a right to be provided with a home” and “whether the State provides funds to enable everyone to have a home is a matter for political not judicial decision”.Footnote 108
Similar reasoning could thus be applied to the interpretation of Article 8 ECHR with regard to the (putative) right to mental self-determination. That is, the ECtHR could interpret the right to respect for private life pursuant to Article 8 ECHR as not entailing a state duty to fund or otherwise make available resources (including neurotechnologies) that enable mental self-determination. Similar interpretations could also be advanced by the UN Human Rights Committee with respect to the right to privacy enshrined in Article 17 ICCPR. And if persons’ right to mental self-determination were solely to find grounding in the right to respect for private life, and if the right to respect for private life were so interpreted, then this would mean that the right to mental self-determination fails to generate positive duties for states with respect to the provision of neurorehabilitation – an outcome that would undermine the relevance of the foregoing discussion.
Yet, this is not the end of the story. A state duty to fund or make available resources that enable mental self-determination arises under the right to privacy in certain circumstances. It is generally accepted in the legal literature, after all, that states have duties with respect to fulfilling human rights, at least to a degree – where “fulfil” denotes taking positive steps to help rights-bearers fully realise these rights.Footnote 109 There is also a robust body of ECtHR case law illustrating that the rights and freedoms enshrined in the ECHR, including Article 8 ECHR, produce a wide variety of positive obligations in certain circumstances.Footnote 110 We expand on these developments, and on their relevance for the case of neurorehabilitation, in the paragraphs that follow.
Consider first how states’ duties with respect to human rights contain or include a duty to “fulfil” these rights. This idea is advanced by the UN’s Committee on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) in their comment that “all human rights impose (…) three types or levels of obligations on state parties: the obligations to respect, protect and fulfil”.Footnote 111 Expanding on what “fulfil” means, the CESCR states that
the obligation to fulfil can be disaggregated into the obligations to facilitate, promote and provide. The obligation to facilitate requires the State to take positive measures to assist individuals and communities to enjoy the right. The obligation to promote obliges the State party to take steps to ensure that there is appropriate education [with respect to the right in question]. state parties are also obliged to fulfil (provide) the right when individuals or groups are unable, for reasons beyond their control, to realise that right themselves by the means at their disposal.Footnote 112
Discharging these disaggregate obligations, moreover, requires that states “adopt appropriate legislative, administrative, budgetary, judicial, promotional and other measures towards the full realisation of the right”, the CESCR contends.Footnote 113
Now, clearly, given that these comments come from the CESCR, positive actions of this kind are required in the case of economic, social and cultural rights. Yet, the CESCR also invokes the idea that positive actions are (presumptively) required more widely – that is, in the case of civil and political rights – in its use of the phrase “all human rights”.Footnote 114 A number of scholars suggest that obligations of fulfilment apply to all human rights, too. For example, Scott and Macklem suggest that over the decades, “the United Nations has invested considerable energy in developing the idea of a multilayered obligations structure that may potentially be generated for any right whether it be a civil liberty or a social right”.Footnote 115 That all human rights imply (at least some) obligations of fulfilment thus indicates that the right to respect for private life could contain a duty to provide mental self-determination-enabling tools and technologies, at least in certain circumstances.
The ECtHR also recognises that positive obligations arise under the ECHR. The ECtHR’s comments in the case of Sengtes/the Netherlands are an illustrative example in this regard.Footnote 116 The applicant in this case suffered from a degenerative muscle disease and complained that the state’s denial of his request to be provided with a robotic arm constituted a breach of Article 8 ECHR, given that if provided with a robotic arm, his “severely curtailed level of self-determination would be increased”.Footnote 117 The Court observed in this case:
While the essential object of Article 8 is to protect the individual against arbitrary interference by the public authorities, it does not merely compel the State to abstain from such interference: in addition to this negative undertaking, there may be positive obligations inherent in effective respect for private or family life.Footnote 118
The ECtHR in Sengtes further observed that Article 8 ECHR may impose such positive obligations on the state when a “direct and immediate link” exists between the measures sought by an applicant and their private life.Footnote 119 The Court assumed the existence of such a link in Sengtes but nonetheless declared the complaint inadmissible because the Dutch state had provided the applicant with an electric wheelchair with an adapted joystick. The ECtHR further claimed that national authorities were best positioned to assess precisely which measures they could provide and allocate given “their familiarity with the demands made on the health care system as well as with the funds available”.Footnote 120 Still, this case illustrates that Article 8 ECHR sometimes entails a state duty to provide certain measures or resources when “the State’s failure to adopt [such] measures interferes with that individual’s right to personal development”.Footnote 121
Importantly, the ECtHR emphasises that “it is incumbent on the individual concerned to demonstrate the existence of a special link between the situation complained of and the particular needs of his or her private life”.Footnote 122 The ECtHR also notes that as far as positive obligations under Article 8 ECHR are concerned, what is required will vary from case to case owing to “the diversity of the practices followed and the situations obtaining in the Contracting States”.Footnote 123 Determining the content of Article 8’s positive obligations will depend on several factors, including “the importance of the interest at stake and whether ‘fundamental values’ or ‘essential aspects’ of private life are at stake”.Footnote 124 Another candidate factor – suggested by Feldman and perhaps relevant for the specific case of neurorehabilitation – is whether a particular aspect of a person’s private life impacts their “capacity to give effect to their moral choices” or to live their life “in accordance with [their] ethical standards”.Footnote 125
The relevance of these observations to the case of neurorehabilitation is clear. They highlight how states may have a (defeasible) duty under Article 8 ECHR to make mental control-enhancing neurotechnologies available to convicted persons, when these individuals have mental states that significantly limit their ability to live the kind of life that they want and/or one which accords with their moral precepts. Whether or how frequently such a limitation exists for those who might be candidates for neurorehabilitation is, of course, an empirical matter. We do not know how commonly the mental states of convicted persons prevent them from living the life that they want, nor how frequently state assistance in the form of neurorehabilitation might be necessary to help convicted persons give effect to their choices.
Nonetheless, it is reasonable to suppose that there are some convicted persons whose unwanted thoughts render it extremely difficult for them to think and act as they want. Some persons convicted of sexual crimes, for example, experience persistent and unwanted sexual urges that presumably make it difficult for them to live a crime-free life. Some convicted of violent crimes might also find that their sudden urge to lash out renders it difficult for them to live a life of their own choosing. In these situations, a failure to make neurorehabilitation available – as and when effective neurorehabilitation is available – may raise an issue under Article 8 ECHR. Additionally, if the state holds those who offend accountable for actions that stem from mental states over which they have little control and which prevent them from living the kind of life they want, then the case for providing access to relevant neurorehabilitation seems even stronger. Recall Bublitz’s point that legal orders premised on the idea of freely deciding persons must legally protect persons’ powers of mental self-determination if they are to avoid “internal incoherences” in holding people accountable for their actions.Footnote 126
5.4 Concluding Remarks
This chapter has examined the legal and moral rationales that seem to support a legal right to mental self-determination, including by accessing neurotechnologies. It further interrogated what the right to mental self-determination might imply for the neurorehabilitation of those who offend – specifically, whether it might imply a state duty to offer or provide neurorehabilitation in certain circumstances. We concluded that the right to mental self-determination – as a component of the right to respect for private life – may generate a duty on the part of states to offer or provide “mental self-determination-enabling” neurotechnologies in certain select circumstances. These circumstances are, we suggest, when there is a clear link between availing of these neurotechnologies and being able to live the kind of life that one chooses. More precisely, states may have an obligation if there are disruptive mental phenomena that hamper living a life free from crime and punishment. Such circumstances plausibly have relevance for at least some candidate cases of neurorehabilitation.
6.1 Introduction
As discussed in Chapter 1, the primary focus of this book is on the potential of neurotechnology to support the rehabilitation of convicted persons by improving risk assessment and risk management – rather than on its potential for diagnosing and treating mental or brain disorders. Still, in some cases, neurorehabilitation might well become conducive or even crucial to the improvement of mental health in forensic populations. Brain stimulation to attenuate aggressive impulses might serve to reduce the mental distress experienced by some persons subject to these impulses. Furthermore, aggression can be a symptom of a recognised mental illness, such as a psychotic disorder, or may be a core feature of a disorder, as in intermittent explosive disorder. Diminishing aggression using neurotechnology could in such cases be relevant to the person’s mental health, which appears to be an interest protected by human rights law. For example, Article 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) recognises a “right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health”.
The right to health is sometimes referred to in discussions on human rights vis-à-vis emerging neurotechnologies. For example, Bublitz has highlighted the possibility of human rights comprising positive obligations to provide “access to therapeutic neurotechnologies restoring bodily or mental integrity”, which “may often overlap with the right to health (Article 12 ICESCR)”.Footnote 1 Likewise, in a recent report on neurotechnology and human rights, the Advisory Committee of the Human Rights Council considers the implications of Article 12 ICESCR, holding that when “safe, effective, secure and human-rights compliant neurotechnology products do exist, access becomes a key element of the right to health. States should then grant access, without discrimination”.Footnote 2
In this chapter, we explore whether a right to health could produce an argument in favour of offering neurorehabilitation to some populations of convicted persons. Note, that throughout, we assume that health and the right to health, necessarily encompass mental health. Hence, we take the legal and ethical literature relating to health and the right to health to pertain to mental health. This assumption is not a controversial one. Even though mental health is sometimes overlooked as a component of health,Footnote 3 many contemporary attempts to define health encompass both physical and psychological elements.Footnote 4 For example, according to the preamble of the Constitution of the World Health Organisation (WHO): “Health is a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being.” The relevance of mental health is also stressed in the annual reports of the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to the highest attainable standard of health, emphasising that “there is no health without mental health”.Footnote 5 Hence, in what follows, we understand the right to mental health as a specified right inherent in the right to health.
When considering a right to mental health in the criminal justice context, it is important to realise that a high prevalence of mental illness has consistently been reported within prison populations – including psychosis, depression and personality disorders.Footnote 6 As Gable and Gostin write, “[i]n many countries around the world prisons have become the de facto mental health systems”.Footnote 7 Furthermore, factors related to psychiatric co-morbidity are among the risk factors for suicide attempts in prison.Footnote 8 Additionally, a considerable number of those who offend end up not in prison but in forensic psychiatric institutions. Clearly, these people also need to be taken into account to get an accurate picture of the relevance of mental illness to the criminal justice system.
Criminal justice is thus not just a setting relevant to the right to mental health, but rather one of the most important contexts to which the right applies.Footnote 9 Yet, the criminal justice system’s primary aim is not to treat the mental health issues of those who offend but rather to enact justice, typically by punishing those who offend (e.g., through imprisonment) and also by protecting society against the future harm these individuals may cause (e.g., by detaining them in prison or forensic psychiatric institutions). Mental health needs of those who offend are not the priority of criminal justice, or at least not the direct priority.Footnote 10 And this observation gives us reason to assume that the mental health needs of those who offend will not always be met within criminal justice settings and contexts. There is thus a strong need to consider the legal protection of the mental health of these individuals.
This chapter proceeds as follows. Section 6.2 considers the foundation of the right to mental health, both from a legal and a moral perspective. In section 6.3, we discuss different understandings of “mental health” in relation to the right’s scope, followed by an exploration of the right’s implications for the neurorehabilitation of convicted persons in section 6.4. In section 6.5 we draw conclusions.
6.2 Legal and Moral Bases of a Right to Mental Health
6.2.1 Legal Bases
According to Article 12 ICESCR, the state parties to the Covenant “recognize the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health”.Footnote 11 In the General Comment to this provision, the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) clarifies that the right to health is not to be understood as a right to be healthy but rather as a right to the enjoyment of a variety of facilities, goods, services and conditions necessary for the realisation of the highest attainable standard of health.Footnote 12
The right includes both freedoms (such as the right to control one’s own health) and entitlements (such as the right to a system of health protection and equal opportunity to enjoy the highest attainable standard of health).Footnote 13 States are under an obligation to respect the right to health by, inter alia, “refraining from denying or limiting equal access for all persons, including prisoners or detainees (…) to preventive, curative and palliative health service”.Footnote 14 Within their available resources, state parties should provide, without discrimination, available, accessible and acceptable health facilities, goods and services, which are scientifically and medically appropriate and of good quality.Footnote 15
Unlike the rights and freedoms discussed in the preceding chapters (e.g., the right to privacy, freedom of thought, self-determination), the right to health is a socio-economic right, rather than a civil or political right. Although both categories of rights were adopted together within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR),Footnote 16 the international community subsequently decided that both categories are legally different and impose different obligations on states.Footnote 17 This ultimately resulted in two separate binding human rights treaties: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).
The obligations imposed on states by these treaties differ in the following ways. Article 2(1) ICCPR requires state parties “to respect and to ensure to all individuals” all civil and political rights enshrined within the ICCPR. By contrast, Article 2(1) ICESCR “only” requires state parties “to take steps, individually and through international assistance and co-operation, especially economic and technical, to the maximum of its available resources, with a view to achieving progressively the full realization of the rights recognized in the present Covenant”.
Leijten explains that “[w]hereas the ICCPR rights are phrased as individual, subjective rights, ICESCR rights merely require states to take steps towards the fulfilment of socio-economic guarantees, subject to the requirement of progressive realization and in the light of the available resources”.Footnote 18 The “progressive realisation” standard acknowledges that “the full realization of all economic, social and cultural rights will generally not be able to be achieved in a short period of time”.Footnote 19 Still, states should “move as expeditiously and effectively as possible towards that goal”Footnote 20 – to the maximum of their available resources, including financial, natural and scientific resources.Footnote 21 According to Nowak, the difference between these obligations and those deriving from civil and political rights “could not have been more drastic”.Footnote 22 As he explains:
Civil and political rights have to be immediately respected and ensured, and every failure of a state party to respect and ensure them can be qualified as a violation of the respective obligation (…). Economic, social and cultural rights, on the contrary, are considered as mere “programme rights”. For states, it seems to be enough to take a few steps, such as asking for international development assistance, in order to prove that they have complied with their respective obligations.Footnote 23
The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) typically refers to civil and political rights and does not guarantee, explicitly, a right to health.Footnote 24 However, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) holds that “[w]hilst the Convention sets forth what are essentially civil and political rights, many of them have implications of a social or economic nature”.Footnote 25 In the ECtHR’s view, there is “no water-tight division” separating socio-economic rights and the rights and freedoms guaranteed within the ECHR.Footnote 26
Overlap between civil or political and socio-economic issues is observable in an expanding number of cases. As Leijten points out, a “vast number of health- and health care-related decisions and judgements can be found in the ECtHR’s case law”Footnote 27 – particularly in relation to Articles 2, 3 and 8 ECHR.Footnote 28 According to the Grand Chamber, member states are under a “positive obligation, by virtue of the relevant provisions of the Convention, notably Articles 2 and 8, to take appropriate measures to protect the life and health of those within their jurisdiction”.Footnote 29 Article 3 ECHR additionally requires that states ensure that the health and well-being of imprisoned persons in particular are adequately secured, inter alia, by providing them with the requisite medical assistance.Footnote 30 Similar reasoning is employed with respect to the ICCPR, where the Human Rights Committee indicates that the right to life (Article 6 ICCPR) and the right to humane treatment (Article 10 ICCPR) could “raise issues” with respect to the protection of health in detention.Footnote 31
In sum, safeguarding people’s physical and mental health has a clear basis in the established framework of human rights – either explicitly, as a socio-economic right, or implicitly, as a positive obligation inherent in civil and political rights.
6.2.2 Moral Bases
Various moral rationales also support protecting a right to mental health, three of which we detail here. A first (Rawlsian-inspired) moral basis for a right to mental health sees the right as important for protecting persons’ moral right to fair equality of opportunity.Footnote 32 Daniels, for instance, contends that enjoying a certain threshold of physical and mental health is essential for persons to have a “normal opportunity range”.Footnote 33 He further argues that our right to health is grounded in our moral claim to healthcare provision which – by “reducing the impact of disease and disability” – “protect[s] the range of opportunities open to us”.Footnote 34
A second moral basis for the right to mental health is provided by Nussbaum, and developed further by Ruger (though these scholars do not use the language of “rights” when discussing their claims).Footnote 35 Nussbaum and Ruger argue that securing the capability of health is necessary for justice – and not just because having a certain level of health is necessary to secure equality of opportunity (as Daniels suggests) but rather because securing health capabilities is intrinsically important for justice. Nussbaum argues that a just state ought to make certain human capabilities including “bodily health” available to its citizens, where capabilities are those “capacities, liberties, and opportunities that have value in any plan of life citizens may (…) choose”.Footnote 36 The protection of mental health is arguably also implicit in Nussbaum’s account. As Fourie points out, Nussbaum’s reference to bodily health plausibly “include[s] the physical and mental health associated with a common-sense understanding of the biological functioning of the body”.Footnote 37 Nussbaum’s reference to emotions and the importance of “not having one’s emotional development blighted by fear and anxiety” could also be interpreted as a reference to mental health.Footnote 38 Building on Nussbaum’s work, Ruger suggests that the state should additionally protect some “complex” health capabilities, such as the “capability to take part in the life of the community”, the “capability to engage in various forms of social interaction” and the “capability to enjoy recreational activities”Footnote 39 – all of which are clearly relevant for, and may be conducive to health and well-being, both physical and mental.Footnote 40
A third moral basis for a right to health is, what might be described as, a rule-consequentialist justification.Footnote 41 The idea here is that we recognise a right to health, not because persons have any individual moral claim to health care provision but because protecting citizens’ health by means of a right to health care brings about the best consequences for society overall. We can readily envisage the many ways in which a legal right to health would be good for society. There are the well-being benefits that may accrue to persons if they themselves enjoy good health; the well-being benefits that may accrue to us when the health of those we care about is protected; and the second-order benefits of protecting health, such as the boost it might provide to economic growth, employment, societal productivity etc.Footnote 42 One good societal consequence in protecting mental health specifically is plausibly that doing so reduces the incidence of violent and/or aggressive outbursts that stem from mental ill-health – and also the mental distress such outbursts often cause, for both victims and perpetrators. As Green points out, there is a “clearcut association between (…) aggressive behaviors and mental and substance abuse disorders” and this represents one “way in which mental illness detracts from the common good”.Footnote 43 A right to mental health might thus be desirable for several reasons, and not only because upholding such a right promises to benefit those suffering from ill-health.
Note that depending on which (or which combination) of moral bases for a right to mental health we favour, we may arrive at different conclusions about the right to mental health’s protective scope. If persons have a moral claim to the capability of health, then the right to health may encompass not just a right to health services but also a right to other goods and conditions (e.g., to certain living and working conditions) necessary to realise health. This seems in line with the CESCR’s observation that the right to health is a right to the enjoyment of a variety of facilities, goods, services and conditions that promote health (though Nussbaum speaks of merely being able to have “good health” as opposed to the CESCR’s reference to the “highest attainable standard of health”).
Alternatively, if we follow Daniels and see the right to health as grounded in persons’ moral claim to fair equality of opportunity, then the right will be to the health-related “care that effectively (…) protects the range of opportunities that would otherwise be open to us”.Footnote 44 Daniels himself thinks that this limits the scope of the right to health to solely those treatments that “effectively promote normal functioning” and which treat medically recognised diseases or disorders,Footnote 45 though, in our view, it is not obvious this is the case.Footnote 46 But working with a “fair equality of opportunity” justification clearly limits the right to health in other ways – for example, it limits the right to a more basic standard of health care than the “highest attainable standard” that Article 12 CESCR suggests. A rule-consequentialist justification, if favoured, also does this. Some kinds of healthcare services likely do not, as a general rule, produce more net welfare when provided – for example, interventions that are extremely costly and benefit few. We turn to consider the scope of the right to mental health in the next section.
6.3 What Is Mental Health? Considering the Scope of a Right to Mental Health
What precisely is covered by the concept of “mental health”? At least on a folk understanding, the “mental” of mental health is typically understood to pertain to the emotional and/or psychological realm – that is, to a person’s thinking, inclinations and feelings, which are often reflected in behaviour or behavioural patterns. That said, a clear-cut distinction between mental and physical health is difficult to draw: often both are connected. Many health conditions involve mental and physical symptoms and can have both mental and physical causes. Consider how a patient with hyperthyroidism may have osteoporosis and cardiac arrythmias as well as anxiety as symptoms.Footnote 47 Consider, too, how mental or psychological factors such as stress may increase a person’s susceptibility to physical illnessFootnote 48 and how genetic factors may increase a person’s likelihood of developing a mental disorder.Footnote 49 In fact, a considerable part of the research on mental health has been biological (brain-oriented) in nature.Footnote 50 When talking about mental health, in this chapter, therefore, we work on the assumption that the reference to “mental” concerns emotional and psychological matters, while acknowledging that there are overlaps, and no clear cut-off point, between mental and physical health.
What, then, is mental health? We consider this question below, first, from a conceptual perspective, followed by the approach in human rights law.
6.3.1 Positive and Negative Conceptions of Mental Health
From a conceptual perspective, two general understandings of “health” can be distinguished.Footnote 51 The first, more restricted understanding, is that health refers to the absence of medically recognised and described illnesses or disorders.Footnote 52 In the realm of mental health, examples of such disorders are major depression, psychosis and personality disorders – which fall within the scope of psychiatry as a medical discipline. The second, broader, understanding conceives of mental health in terms of mental well-being. This well-being-based concept is sometimes referred to as a “positive” conceptualisation of mental health, as opposed to the “negative” understanding of absence of disease.Footnote 53
We consider both positions in more detail below and illustrate their normative relevance when considering neurorehabilitation in view of a right to “mental health”. Our discussion is organised around three hypothetical scenarios, each of which involve brain stimulation that targets the neural correlates of a convicted person’s aggressive outbursts. In these scenarios, the relevance of a mental disorder moves from central to peripheral to absent. In each of them we assume that the convicted person desires to have access to the neurotechnology, is fully informed about it and voluntarily chooses to submit to it. We also assume that the technology is safe and effective.
Scenario 1: “A mental disorder”. Alex has been convicted of a violent crime and has received a diagnosis of intermittent explosive disorder, which is characterised by recurrent behavioural outbursts representing a failure to control aggressive impulses (DSM-5, code 312.34). These outbursts are core features of Alex’s mental disorder. They risk dangerous and harmful behaviour and hamper Alex’s successful rehabilitation. The outbursts can be targeted and attenuated with brain stimulation.
Scenario 2: “Causing distress”. Sophie has been convicted of a violent crime but her aggressive outbursts do not meet the criteria for diagnosis of intermittent explosive disorder, nor for other mental disorders of which aggressive outbursts may be a component. Meanwhile, these aggressive outbursts cause Sophie mental distress and she is considerably troubled by these outbursts and does not wish to have them. These outbursts also risk dangerous and harmful behaviour and hamper Sophie’s rehabilitation. They can be targeted and attenuated with brain stimulation.
Scenario 3: “Hindering social contribution”. Lou has been convicted of a violent crime but their aggressive outbursts again do not meet the criteria for diagnosis of a mental disorder. These outbursts do not cause Lou mental distress in and of themselves. They do, however, hinder Lou’s maintenance of a job and various social relationships and this is something Lou regrets. These outbursts directly hamper Lou’s rehabilitation and can be targeted and attenuated with brain stimulation.
To what extent does the use of brain stimulation in these scenarios contribute to the person’s mental health? The answer to this question depends on whether we are working with a positive or negative conceptualisation of mental health, as alluded to earlier in this section.
Consider first the “negative” understanding of mental health – as the absence of medically recognised mental disorders, leading us to the question: What is a mental disorder and when is it either present or absent? Many definitions of mental illness have been proposed and criticised, and precisely what a mental disorder consists in remains an area of intense scholarly debate.Footnote 54 The DSM-5 defines a mental disorder as
a syndrome characterized by clinically significant disturbance in an individual’s cognition, emotion regulation, or behavior that reflects a dysfunction in the psychological, biological, or developmental processes underlying mental functioning. Mental disorders are usually associated with significant distress or disability in social, occupational or other important activities. An expectable or culturally approved response to a common stressor or loss, such as the death of a loved one, is not a mental disorder. Socially deviant behavior (e.g., political, religious, or sexual) and conflicts that are primarily between the individual and society are not mental disorders unless the deviance or conflict results from a dysfunction in the individual, as described above.Footnote 55
Interestingly, this general definition, though conceptually informative, does not play a direct role in mental healthcare diagnoses. Rather, diagnoses are made by healthcare professionals assessing whether a given patient meets the criteria for a specific disorder, such as depression, psychosis or bipolar disorder. These diagnostic criteria are intended to promote consistency across, and standardise, mental healthcare diagnoses. There is, however, always the possibility of differences in interpretation when consulting the criteria for a given disorder. Criteria sometimes change such that the boundaries of a given mental disorder can shift from time to time.Footnote 56 There are also different diagnostic classification systems – such as the DSM and International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems (ICD)Footnote 57 – with disparate (though considerably overlapping) criteria for specific disorders. In saying, then, that the negative understanding equates mental health to the absence of a specific diagnosable mental disorder, this understanding acknowledges that the boundaries of mental health can, and will, change over time, as the diagnostic criteria are constantly evolving. Our assumption for present purposes is that this negative understanding implies that a person has mental health when they do not meet the criteria for a specific disorder detailed in the current edition of the relevant diagnostic classification systems.
What does this negative understanding of mental health imply for the three scenarios described above? It implies, firstly, that Alex’s receipt of brain stimulation in the first scenario contributes to his mental health. Alex meets the criteria for diagnosis of intermittent explosive disorder; the brain stimulation targets a core symptom or feature of this disorder; and, as we stipulated, the brain stimulation in this case can be expected to be effective.
The negative understanding of mental health implies, secondly, that the described brain stimulation does not advance mental health in Scenarios 2 (involving Sophie) and 3 (involving Lou). Both Sophie and Lou do not, after all, and as per our stipulation, meet the criteria for diagnosis of a mental disorder.
Consider next the “positive” conceptualisation of mental health, and let us look to the understanding advanced by the WHO, conceiving of mental health as
a state of well-being in which the individual realises his or her own abilities, can cope with the normal stresses of life, can work productively and fruitfully, and is able to make a contribution to his or her community.Footnote 58
On this understanding, mental health is “more than the absence of mental illness”.Footnote 59 Rather, it is understood broadly. Recall how the WHO’s preamble to their Constitution describes health more generally as “a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being”.Footnote 60 As Wren-Lewis and Alexandrova emphasise, in the eyes of the WHO, for a person to realise mental health “it is not enough to be free of depression, anxiety, or schizophrenia, or any other diagnosable psychiatric condition; one also needs to be well enough to thrive and flourish in one’s community”.Footnote 61 Mental health is thus intimately connected to how a person functions and flourishes within their own community; and as such, the WHO understanding of mental health has affinities with Ruger’s earlier-mentioned “complex health capabilities”.Footnote 62
On this positive understanding of mental health, targeting aggressive outbursts with brain stimulation is plausibly conducive to mental health in all three of the above scenarios of Alex, Sophie and Lou. Taking them in reverse order, targeting Lou’s aggressive outbursts via brain stimulation may make it easier for Lou to hold down a job and to cultivate and maintain meaningful social relationships. These effects would clearly also allow Lou to make a greater contribution to their community, as per the WHO understanding of mental health above.Footnote 63 In the case of Sophie, brain stimulation that reduces her aggressive outbursts will relieve Sophie’s considerable mental distress. And attenuating the very thing that challenges Sophie’s peace of mind would bring her closer to “a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being,” as the WHO describes, thus contributing to her mental health on this understanding. As far as the brain stimulation also facilitates Sophie’s functioning and flourishing in the community, it would fall under the WHO’s conceptualisation of health as “a state of well-being in which the individual (…) can work productively and fruitfully, and is able to make a contribution to his or her community”.Footnote 64
Looking lastly to the case of Alex, his aggressive outbursts, we stipulated, are a symptom of a recognised mental disorder – specifically, intermittent explosive disorder. Treating or managing this disorder via safe and effective brain stimulation clearly brings Alex closer to that “state of complete physical, mental and social well-being,” the WHO describes. Thus, on this positive conceptualisation of health, the brain stimulation would be conducive to Alex’s mental health.
Note that the WHO’s definition of mental health has been criticised for being too demanding and unhelpful for the scientific measurement of health.Footnote 65 Smith describes it as “a ludicrous definition that would leave most of us unhealthy most of the time”.Footnote 66 Wren-Lewis and Alexandrova voice similar concerns regarding the WHO’s definition of mental health: “it is incredibly demanding: it describes a life in which individuals realize their full potential, as well as work productively and contribute to their community. Not many people meet such high standards”.Footnote 67
Wren-Lewis and Alexandrova propose conceptualising mental health in an alternative way, as having the capacities “to feel, think, and act in ways that enable us to value and engage in life”.Footnote 68 This conceptualisation centres on “valuing” and “engaging” in life, instead of focusing on “well-being”. Still, the emphasis on cognitive, emotional and behavioural functioning – and the lack of reference to mental disorders specifically – may mean that Wren-Lewis and Alexandrova are also understanding mental health broadly, as a form of mental well-being. Moreover, if mental health consists in having the cognitive, emotional and behavioural capacities for valuing and engaging in life, then attenuating the aggressive outbursts of the above protagonists via brain stimulation appears conducive to their mental health on Wren-Lewis and Alexandrova’s understanding too. Lou’s aggressive outbursts are, after all, impeding their ability to engage with others socially and to hold down a job – two things that are likely important (though by no means the only) routes by which a person can engage with, and derive value from, life. The fact that Sophie’s aggressive outbursts cause her to experience mental distress suggests that these actions do not allow her to derive value from and to engage in life in the manner that she wishes. And given that Alex’s diagnosis of intermittent explosive disorder implies either that Alex is experiencing marked distress or has problems with occupational or interpersonal functioning, then Alex’s ability to value and engage in life is plausibly undermined too, prior to brain stimulation.
Other examples of positive definitions could be given,Footnote 69 but we hope these suffice as an illustration of what such positive conceptualisations would generally entail. All in all, it appears that the scope of a right tomental health can be interpreted in at least two different ways: (1) as a right to treatment for (diagnosed) mental disorders, and (2) as a right to the protection and promotion of mental well-being or human flourishing, with an emphasis on social functioning.
6.3.2 Mental Health in Human Rights Law
Which understanding of mental health can be found in human rights law? Seemingly, a positive understanding, but not necessarily as broad an understanding as that which is advanced by the WHO.
At the international level, and referring to “the right to mental health and well-being”,Footnote 70 the Special Rapporteur on the right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health indicates that Article 12 ICESCR protects “mental well-being”Footnote 71 – something that is clearly broader than the mere absence of medically recognised mental disorders. The Rapporteur also acknowledges – as we did above – that “[t]erminology in the sphere of mental health is a contested terrain”, and that there is a need to accept “different terms according to how people define their own experiences of mental health”.Footnote 72 This might be interpreted as indicating that the Rapporteur considers mental health to be broader than the diagnostic categories of psychiatric medicine, including, perhaps, persons’ own experience of and perspectives on their mental health – though the Rapporteur’s statement here is open to other interpretations. The Special Rapporteur’s annual report of 2015, meanwhile, explicitly connects mental health with mental (or more precisely, emotional and social) well-being:
The modern understanding of mental health includes good emotional and social well-being, healthy non-violent relations between individuals and groups, with mutual trust of, tolerance of and respect for the dignity of every person.Footnote 73
We thus have good reason to believe that a positive understanding of mental health operates at the international level. It is also noteworthy that “non-violent relations” are mentioned here, suggesting relevance for the rehabilitation of those who have committed violent offences. Still, we cannot yet conclude that international human rights law works with as broad an understanding as that found within the WHO’s definition of mental health – that is, to include “complete” mental well-being – notwithstanding that Article 12 ICESCR speaks of “the highest attainable standard of health”. The highest attainable standard of health, after all, may still not consist in complete mental well-being.
As discussed, the ECHR does not guarantee a right to (mental) health as such. Rather, positive obligations to protect and foster people’s mental health are implicit in the civil and political rights guaranteed by the Convention, such as the right to life and the right to bodily and mental integrity. In the criminal justice context, alleged violations of human rights relating to mental health often consist in convicted persons claiming to have received insufficient psychological or psychiatric treatment for a diagnosed mental disorder, like in prison.Footnote 74 For example, in a number of cases concerning the prohibition of ill-treatment, the ECtHR held that regarding “the treatment of prisoners with mental-health problems (…) Article 3 of the Convention requires States to ensure that the health and well-being of prisoners are adequately secured by, among other things, providing them with the requisite medical assistance”.Footnote 75 There is thus reason to assume that the protection of mental health under the ECHR includes, or at least closely relates to, the protection of well-being.
Case law pertaining to the right to liberty pursuant to Article 5 ECHR seems to go a step further, by subsuming a person’s “dangerousness” under the umbrella of mental health:
Any detention of mentally ill persons must have a therapeutic purpose, aimed specifically, and in so far as possible, at curing or alleviating their mental-health condition, including, where appropriate, bringing about a reduction in or control over their dangerousness.Footnote 76
This quote clearly suggests that, according to the ECtHR, reducing a person’s dangerousness can be seen as (an element of) improving their mental health.
In a recent case, the ECtHR likewise considered that for the detention of a “person of unsound mind” to be lawful, it must take account of whether an “individualised treatment plan was put in place”.Footnote 77 This should include attending to specific needs of the person’s mental health, and should be “aimed specifically, in so far as possible, at curing or alleviating his condition, including, where appropriate, bringing about a reduction in or control over the level of danger posed, with a view to preparing him for possible future reintegration into society.”Footnote 78
These considerations seem to support a broader understanding of mental health than the absence of diagnosed mental disorders, which could include treatment for reducing a person’s dangerousness too. This reduction is directly linked to the goal of reintegration into society. Still, from the available ECtHR case law, it is not obvious that the right to mental health is a right to those freedoms and entitlements that enable the state of “complete” well-being described by the WHO. There is, nonetheless, reason to believe that human rights law – both international and European – supports a positive obligation to safeguard mental well-being to at least some extent; and that European human rights law also includes a positive obligation, for reasons of mental health, to bring about a reduction in persons’ dangerousness.Footnote 79 This suggests that all three scenarios above (concerning Alex, Sophie and Lou) might invoke concerns about mental health from a human rights perspective, given that the protagonists’ well-being and dangerousness are at issue in each.
6.4 A State Duty to Provide Neurorehabilitation?
In the remainder of this chapter, we assume a positive conceptualisation of mental health akin to that found in human rights law, including the protection of well-being and the reduction of dangerousness. Let us also assume that at least some neurointerventions will contribute to a convicted person’s mental health on this positive conceptualisation. Given these assumptions, when might the right to mental health successfully be invoked by a convicted person to support their being provided with safe and effective neurorehabilitation?
There are perhaps two kinds of situations where the right to mental health could successfully be invoked, at least in theory. The first is when access to affordable, accepted and generally available neurointerventions is necessary for preserving and/or restoring a reasonable standard of mental health. The second is when access to affordable, accepted and generally available neurointerventions makes preserving a reasonable standard of mental health substantially easier than an approach that eschews neurorehabilitation.
Four things to note about our reference to “affordable”, “accepted”, “generally available” and “reasonable standard”. First, for there to be any chance of someone successfully invoking the right to mental health to make a claim to receive neurorehabilitation, it must be the case that neurorehabilitation is not too costly. Recall our earlier highlighting of how the right to health of Article 12 ICESCR, including mental health, is subject to a progressive realisation standard such that the precise healthcare provision required of states depends at least in part on their available resources. Consider, too, that all “positive” rights – that is, rights that require state provision of goods, services etc. – will necessarily be limited by resource considerations, at least to some extent. Regarding the ECHR, Leijten observes that the ECtHR leaves room for making choices, in view of the available recourses, regarding which and to whom care is provided, as long as an adequate standard of care is generally met. When an omission in providing certain health care is not in conflict with domestic procedural rules or requirements, “a complaint about expensive or unauthorized medication seems unlikely to be successful.”Footnote 80 Neurorehabilitation will thus have to be reasonably affordable if an argument for its provision from the right to mental health is to get off the ground. Whether or not it will be is an empirical matter, and the answer is yet unclear. On the one hand, neurotechnological interventions are currently expensive.Footnote 81 However, they may in the future turn out to be more cost-effective than some alternatives – perhaps when compared to the cost of delivering long-term (unsuccessful) psychotherapies within a prison or other detention setting.Footnote 82
Secondly, the reference to “accepted” denotes “scientifically accepted” or “scientifically proven” interventions. It seems clear that the ECtHR and the CESCR have little appetite for an interpretation of the right to health that includes a right to access “experimental” treatments. The ECtHR ruled in the case of Hristozov and Others/Bulgaria that there was no violation of Articles 2, 3 and 8 ECHR in refusing to allow the applicants access to an unauthorised experimental cancer treatment – even though conventional treatments for cancer had been exhausted.Footnote 83 Elsewhere, the ECtHR rejected an applicant’s claim to access an unproven, experimental therapy for degenerative cerebral illness, declaring the application inadmissible under Articles 8 and 14, at least in part because “the therapeutic value of the [therapy in question] had, to date, not yet been proven scientifically”.Footnote 84 Similar patterns can be observed at the international level, where Article 12 ICESCR implies that health facilities, goods and services must be “scientifically and medically appropriate and of good quality”.Footnote 85
The third thing to note is our reference to “generally available” interventions. It seems that success in invoking the right to mental health to support access to neurorehabilitation can only occur when the relevant neurointerventions are also available to the wider populace and when their provision does not conflict with a given jurisdiction’s domestic law. Jurisprudence related to the right to health seems to illustrate this. Consider how the ECtHR found a breach of Article 3 ECHR when a given applicant was not provided with reproductive diagnostic services – and hence deprived of the opportunity to make a decision to have a legal abortion (should the results have satisfied the conditions for permissible abortion) – when the “services which she had requested were at all times available and that she was entitled as a matter if domestic law to avail herself of them”.Footnote 86 Consider, alternatively, how the ECtHR denied a breach of Article 3 ECHR in a different case: when the requested treatment – in this case medicinal cannabis – was not legally permitted in the relevant jurisdiction.Footnote 87
The relevance of existing domestic practices for successful invocation of the right to health is also evident in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights’ (CFR) reference to “the right to benefit from medical treatment under the conditions established by national laws and practices” (Article 35 CFR). It is further evident in the ECtHR’s observation about incarcerated persons specifically: that they are entitled to health treatment, “at a level comparable to that which the State authorities have committed themselves to provide to the population as a whole”.Footnote 88 Moving to the international context, the CESCR’s reference to the necessity of “health facilities, goods and services [being] accessible to everyone without discrimination, within the jurisdiction of the State party”, in its discussion of Article 12 ICESCR, suggests a similar line of reasoning.Footnote 89 Indeed, the CESCR specifically references “vulnerable or marginalised sections of the population”,Footnote 90 which plausibly includes those who are incarcerated.Footnote 91 The CESCR indicates that vulnerable or marginalised groups should not be deprived of access to health services that are enjoyed by other sections of the population, emphasising that access is “especially” important in situations of vulnerability.Footnote 92 For access to neurorehabilitation to come under the remit of the right to mental health, then, it seems that the relevant technology – such as tDCS, TMS or DBS – must be legally available and more generally accessible, within a given jurisdiction. At present, TMS and DBS are FDA-approved and available in health care for the treatment of different mental disorders.Footnote 93
Note, fourthly, that our reference to “reasonable standard” is included so as to take the “progressive realisation” caveat on the right to health into account. Invoking the right to mental health to support a claim to neurorehabilitation is unlikely to be successful unless the affected applicant’s mental health is judged to be lower than a minimally adequate standard, notwithstanding that Article 12 ICESCR stresses health optimisation. In practice, if the applicant’s mental health is deemed minimally adequate (even if still not excellent), the fact that the right is subject to progressive realisation may preclude the possibility of a rights claim successfully being invoked.
Returning now to the two kinds of situations where (we think) the right to mental health might support a claim to neurorehabilitation, the first is where affordable, accepted and available neurorehabilitation is necessary for realising a reasonable standard of mental health. Clearly, human rights treaties do not provide for a right to all and every treatment option in cases of poor mental health. Within the context of Article 5(1) ECHR, the ECtHR “affords the authorities a certain latitude with regard both to the form and the content of the therapeutic care or of the medical programme” to be adopted, and hence does not guarantee access to any particular treatment.Footnote 94 But when neurorehabilitation is the only remaining option for realising mental health – let’s say alternative measures have been exhausted and either mental disorder, poor emotional or social well-being, or a risk of dangerousness remains – then a case for access to neurorehabilitation could reasonably be mounted. Denying a person the only remaining treatment that might alleviate their mental distress intuitively seems to be cruel and inhumane. The ECtHR has elsewhere judged that the denial of specific and necessary health care violates Article 3 ECHR on some occasions – for example, denying an incarcerated person dentures when they lack teeth,Footnote 95 denying pain-relief for chronic back painFootnote 96 or denying a detainee glasses when their eyesight is defective.Footnote 97 Furthermore, in Murray/the Netherlands, the Court found a violation of Article 3 ECHR because the absence of psychiatric treatment hampered the person’s real opportunity to rehabilitate and, one day, to regain his freedom.Footnote 98
The CESCR likewise emphasises the importance of providing people with “essential” treatment,Footnote 99 which surely includes essential treatment for managing mental health, and which may in the future at least sometimes include neurorehabilitation. This observation provides legislators with a moral reason for interpreting the relevant human rights provisions as extending to neurorehabilitation in at least some instances.
What, then, about our second situation? The situation where incorporating neurorehabilitation will make preserving mental health substantially easier for a given person. Here we suggest it may also sometimes be possible to successfully appeal to the right to mental health. Making it such that those who are incarcerated must struggle with their mental health issues – as against having access to more efficacious therapeutic assistance – also appears inhumane, and thus may raise an issue under Article 3 ECHR. Recently, the ECtHR judged that a detainee was treated inhumanely, in violation of Article 3 ECHR, when he was denied opioid-substitution therapy to manage his long-term drug addictionFootnote 100 – a therapy often considered to make recovery from addiction more effective and easier.Footnote 101 Similar reasoning could be invoked with respect to relevant neurotechnologies in the future, as and when their use helps to make it easier to realise a reasonable standard of mental health.
Also pertinent to this second situation is the right to participate in and enjoy the benefits of scientific progress and its applications, pursuant to Article 15(1) ICESCR.Footnote 102 The General Comment to this right emphasises a link with the right to health. Among other things, state parties “have a duty to make available and accessible to all persons, without discrimination, especially to the most vulnerable, all the best available applications of scientific progress necessary to enjoy the highest attainable standard of health”.Footnote 103 It thus appears that, even when neurorehabilitation is not strictly necessary for ameliorating poor mental health, there may be reason to claim that denying persons (more effective) neurorehabilitation means denying them access to these “best available applications”.
As a final comment on this second situation, affording persons access to neurorehabilitation that might ease their realisation of mental health, seems especially likely to lend itself to rights claims when persons’ liberty is restricted. Existing jurisprudence and associated literature pay particular attention to the mental health needs of those who have been detained. As Riedel observes, since the year 2000, the CESCR regularly addresses problems of prison conditions, including access to external specialist treatments, special healthcare provision for persons with disabilities and mental health issues among incarcerated persons.Footnote 104 In 2018, the Special Rapporteur on the right to the highest attainable standard of health devoted the entire annual report to the right to health vis-à-vis the deprivation of liberty. There, it was noted that “actual and de facto deprivation of liberty” itself has negative effects on mental health,Footnote 105 and consequently, that extra care needs to be taken to ensure adequate access to mental health services, goods and facilities in closed settings.Footnote 106
In the European context, the ECtHR, too, devotes particular attention to the mental health situation of incarcerated persons, who “are in a vulnerable position and the authorities are under a duty to protect”.Footnote 107 The ECtHR recognises that “detainees with mental disorders are more vulnerable than ordinary detainees, and that certain requirements of prison life pose a greater risk that their health will suffer, exacerbating the risk that they suffer from a feeling of inferiority, and are necessarily a source of stress and anxiety”.Footnote 108 This calls for increased vigilance in assessing whether the detention of mentally ill persons complies with Article 3 ECHR. In that regard, the Grand Chamber finds it insufficient for such detainees to be merely examined and diagnosed. Rather, “it is essential that proper treatment for the problem diagnosed and suitable medical supervision should also be provided”.Footnote 109
The fact that the particularly exigent challenges to mental health within closed settings is recognised may thus make the case for affording incarcerated persons access to neurorehabilitation easier to make.Footnote 110 And perhaps, for some populations of incarcerated persons – that is, those sentenced to preventive detention – the case may be even stronger. Consider how, at the European level, when reviewing the lawfulness of detention under Article 5(1) ECHR, the ECtHR attaches “increasing weight to the need to provide appropriate treatment to persons who have been deprived of their liberty for the purpose of relieving their illness or reducing their dangerousness”.Footnote 111 The ECtHR has noted that an individualised and specialised programme should be adopted, taking account of the specific details of the incarcerated persons’ mental health with a view to preparing them for possible future reintegration into society.Footnote 112 Preventive detention may become unlawful according to Article 5(1) sub e ECHR, when a person
is detained due to the risk that he or she may reoffend, but at the same time is deprived of the measures – such as appropriate therapy – that are necessary in order to demonstrate that he or she is no longer dangerous.Footnote 113
Article 5 ECHR thus could provide an additional route by which mental health-improving neurorehabilitation could be demanded by some subpopulations of incarcerated persons, alongside Article 3 ECHR.
Having said all this, the prospects for an applicant to successfully invoke the right to mental health (or associated health-related rights) to support a claim to neurorehabilitation are slim for the near future. One big obstacle is that many jurisdictions have not accepted the individual complaints procedure of the Optional Protocol to the ICESCR and do not have a legally established right to health within their domestic law. International treaties on their own have weak enforcement mechanisms. The health provisions of domestic law are also judged to be important and are afforded deference within these very treaties. Recall the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights’ qualification that the right to benefit from medical treatment is a right “under the conditions established by national laws and practices” (Article 35 CFR). Recall too how the ECtHR has sometimes judged that refusal of a specific treatment does not violate the right to health when the treatment in question is banned in the relevant jurisdiction.Footnote 114
And even if the prospects for successful invocation are somewhat stronger in the case of incarcerated persons who experience poor mental health, success will still be difficult. Notwithstanding their emphasis on non-discrimination with respect to health treatment, the ECtHR has also emphasised that this “comparable” treatment does “not mean that every detainee must be guaranteed the same level of medical treatment that is available in the best health establishments outside prison facilities”.Footnote 115 The ECtHR acknowledges and accepts that the resources of medical facilities within the penitentiary system are, in principle, limited compared to those of civil clinics.Footnote 116 Furthermore, the ECtHR stresses that “Article 3 cannot be interpreted as requiring a prisoner’s every wish and preference regarding medical treatment to be accommodated (…) the practical demands of legitimate detention may impose restrictions a prisoner will have to accept.”Footnote 117 Against this background, it seems difficult even for incarcerated persons to successfully invoke Article 3 ECHR to demand the provision of a specific neurotechnology that should contribute to their mental health. This, of course, may change in the further future, as and when neurorehabilitation becomes more affordable and more generally available.
The right to mental health may also contribute to the shaping of general policies within which context other rights, such as the right to self-determination and rehabilitation (supra Chapter 5 resp. infra Chapter 7), might provide a more forceful argument in favour of making certain neurointerventions available to some populations of convicted persons.Footnote 118
6.5 Concluding Remarks
The right to mental health has a solid basis in human rights law and can be supported by different moral justifications. Meanwhile, the right’s scope depends, at least in part, on how we understand “mental health” in this context. Both the ICESCR and the ECHR appear to have a broader understanding of mental health than the mere absence of a recognised mental disorder. How much broader remains unclear. Still, it is plausible that, under Article 12 ICESCR, mental health includes “good emotional and social well-being”. In addition, the case law of the ECtHR indicates a link between mental health, well-being and medical treatment for reducing a person’s dangerousness. Neurotechnology has the potential to contribute to mental health so defined. And the possibilities and potential of neurotechnology vis-à-vis mental health may be particularly important in the case of incarcerated persons, given that the prevailing human rights perspective is that the mental health of those who are incarcerated should receive special attention.
Given this solid basis for a right to mental health, it seems that the right could theoretically be invoked to support the provision by the state of neurorehabilitation in certain circumstances. We distinguished between two kinds of situations. The first is when access to safe, affordable, accepted and generally available neurointerventions are necessary for preserving and/or restoring a reasonable standard of mental health – that is, when alternative measures on their own are, or would be, insufficient. The second is when access to safe, affordable, accepted and generally available neurointerventions would make preserving a reasonable standard of mental health substantially easier than an approach that eschews neurorehabilitation.
Nevertheless, successful appeal to the right to mental health (together with the right to science) in order to be provided with a specific neurointervention seems practically unlikely in the near future for various reasons – in particular because of the leeway typically allowed for by socio-economic rights. Meanwhile, the right to mental health (and associated health-related rights) could contribute to establishing general policies that would support making certain neurointerventions available at a population level as well as to some subpopulations of convicted persons.
7.1 Introduction
States are increasingly thought to have a duty to enable convicted persons’ rehabilitation, with some seeing this duty as grounded in convicted persons’ right to rehabilitation. This rights-based argument for rehabilitation emerged alongside the increase in rights litigation for carceral populations within the United States in the 1970s,Footnote 1 and the contemporaneous development of the idea of imprisoned persons as “Rechtsburgers” or rights bearers in Europe.Footnote 2
Admittedly, legal recognition of a right to rehabilitation is not universal. Many countries present rehabilitation as a “guiding concept” rather than a right that can be enforced against the state.Footnote 3 The United States had also considered it necessary to re-emphasise the importance its criminal justice system attaches to the goals of retribution, deterrence and incapacitation, following their ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) – which highlights the need for rehabilitative treatment within prison settings in Article 10 ICCPR.Footnote 4
Still, even if rehabilitation’s status as a legal right is not universally accepted, there is a trend within penal policy and prison law (particularly within Europe) towards a human-rights-based argument for rehabilitation.Footnote 5 This behoves us to ask what, if anything, this argument might imply for the use of neurotechnologies in criminal justice – specifically for those technologies that promise to reduce offending persons’ risk of recidivism and otherwise facilitate their rehabilitation and reintegration into society.
In this chapter, we take up this question. We examine the existing law and jurisprudence surrounding rehabilitation (section 7.2), present the rationales that have been (or may be) advanced in support of a right to rehabilitation (section 7.3) and analyse what these judgements and arguments imply for the case of neurorehabilitation (section 7.4). Throughout, we understand the right to rehabilitation as the right to have access to rehabilitative interventions that can be expected to facilitate desistance from crime and rehabilitation more generally.Footnote 6 We recognise that “rehabilitation” also refers to the psychological process that renders a person no longer disposed to engage in crime. But when speaking of a right to rehabilitation, we are not alluding to a right to become rehabilitated but rather to a right to (various forms of) means aimed at enabling convicted persons to become rehabilitated. This aligns with the European position on state duties with respect to rehabilitation. The ECtHR makes it clear that the obligation to offer rehabilitation is “an obligation of means, not one of result”, and that actual rehabilitation is the personal responsibility of convicted persons themselves.Footnote 7
We also understand the right to rehabilitation as a (waivable) claim-right, as opposed to merely a permission or freedom to make use of rehabilitative interventions. We are examining whether and when rehabilitation is something that convicted persons may claim, and hence whether and when states have a duty to make rehabilitation – and neurorehabilitation – available to convicted persons.
Rehabilitative interventions, on our understanding (and as indicated in Chapter 1), are also those interventions that better enable persons to desist from future offending, to (re)integrate into the community and to lead fulfilling lives, but which do not produce these effects by making crime physically impossible or by merely disincentivising the potential perpetrator from committing crime.Footnote 8 Such an understanding allows that a broad range of interventions fall under the umbrella of rehabilitation – for example, psychotherapeutic, educational, vocational, social and restorative justice interventions that promise to promote the aforementioned outcomes.Footnote 9 But it distinguishes rehabilitative interventions from interventions that merely incapacitate or deter. This leaves room for the possibility that some neurotechnologies will not count as rehabilitative interventions.Footnote 10 Our analysis of the right to rehabilitation in this chapter only pertains to those interventions and neurotechnologies that can be classed as rehabilitative.
As in other chapters, our concern is whether the right at hand exists in law or ought to be embraced by the law and, if so, what this might mean for neurorehabilitation in criminal justice. We are thus examining whether there ought to be a legal right to rehabilitation, but we appeal to both legal and moral rationales for such a right.Footnote 11 We consider both how a right to rehabilitation might be derived from existing legal rights and also how it might be supported by moral rights as yet unrecognised in the law.
7.2 Obligation to Enable Rehabilitation in Human Rights Law
Several international and European human rights instruments generate a mandatory requirement on the part of states to provide what has been described as “real opportunity” for rehabilitation.Footnote 12 These instruments do not couch this requirement in the language of rights; nor do all relevant instruments converge on the view that this requirement necessarily implies a right to rehabilitative interventions. The ICCPR gestures towards a requirement to deliver rehabilitation within prison settings when stating that “the penitentiary system shall comprise treatment of prisoners, the essential aim of which shall be their reformation and social rehabilitation” (Article 10(3)).Footnote 13 The Human Rights Committee (CCPR) uses similar mandatory language when stating that “penitentiary system[s] (…) should essentially seek the reformation and social rehabilitation of the prisoner”.Footnote 14 This includes “teaching, (re)education, vocational guidance, work programmes”.Footnote 15
Within Europe, some hesitancy to endorse a right to rehabilitative interventions is observable.Footnote 16 The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) does not explicitly mention rehabilitation, nor guarantee a broad obligation to provide rehabilitative interventions to those who have offended. An imperative to enable the (psychological) process of rehabilitation is, however, articulated in a number of (non-binding) legal instruments to which the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) attaches importance.Footnote 17 For example, Rule 6 of the European Prison Rules stipulates that “all detention shall be managed so as to facilitate the reintegration into free society of persons deprived of their liberty”. Rule 33.3 of this same document further states that “all prisoners shall have the benefit of arrangements designed to assist them in returning to free society after release”. Rule 102.1 relatedly states that prison regimes “shall be designed to enable [prisoners] to lead a responsible and crime-free life”.Footnote 18
The ECtHR also identifies an imperative to enable the psychological process of rehabilitation, with reference to Article 3 ECHR. Four key cases are Vinter and Others/the United Kingdom,Footnote 19 Harakchiev and Tolumov/Bulgaria,Footnote 20 Khoroshenko/Russia,Footnote 21 and Murray/the Netherlands,Footnote 22 each of which focus either primarily or exclusively on the situation of life-sentenced persons. In Vinter, the Grand Chamber concluded that
there is (…) now clear support in European and international law for the principle that all prisoners, including those serving life sentences, be offered the possibility of rehabilitation and the prospect of release if that rehabilitation is achieved.Footnote 23
The Grand Chamber in Harackchiev and Tolumov/Bulgaria, referencing Vinter, reinforced this conclusion, stating:
Article 3 (…) require[s] the authorities to give life prisoners a chance, however remote, to someday regain their freedom. For that chance to be genuine and tangible, the authorities must also give life prisoners a real opportunity to rehabilitate themselves.Footnote 24
The “general evolution in European penal policy towards (…) the rehabilitative aim of imprisonment, particularly towards the end of a long prison sentence” was noted in Khoroshenko/Russia.Footnote 25 The Grand Chamber in this case also emphasised that “rehabilitation and reintegration has become a mandatory factor that the member states need to take into account in designing their penal policies”.Footnote 26 The Grand Chamber case of Murray/the Netherlands moved to characterise states’ obligations with respect to rehabilitation as positive ones, stating that states have “a positive obligation to secure prison regimes to life prisoners which are compatible with the aim of rehabilitation”.Footnote 27
Precisely which kinds of “positive obligations” are required in order to afford convicted persons a “real opportunity” for rehabilitation is still open for debate. The precise meaning, scope and practical implications of the imperative to enable rehabilitation remain deliberately, and perhaps necessarily, vague. Meijer interprets the Murray reference to “positive obligations” as indicating that states are bound to “abide by certain standards” and to ensure “a minimum level of protection” with respect to person’s prospects of rehabilitating themselves.Footnote 28 More specifically, she argues that, in recognising this positive obligation, the ECtHR “makes the provision of rehabilitative activities legally enforceable, which allows courts to intervene in the case of administrative reluctance”.Footnote 29
Yet, it is not clear that the ECHR imposes a duty on states to provide rehabilitative interventions as against other measures that might enable, or uphold persons’ opportunity for, rehabilitation – such as shorter prison sentences, good conditions of detention or regular family visits while imprisoned. More precisely, it is not obvious that the duty to enable rehabilitation guarantees convicted persons a right to demand access to rehabilitation across the board and in all cases. For one thing, and as said, the case law referencing rehabilitation focuses on the situation of imprisoned persons and particularly those serving life sentences. The Grand Chamber in Harackchiev and Tolumov/Bulgaria, moreover, effectively denied that the ECHR guarantees a right to rehabilitative interventions in observing that
the Convention does not guarantee, as such, a right to rehabilitation, and (…) Article 3 cannot be construed as imposing on authorities an absolute duty to provide prisoners with rehabilitation and reintegration programmes and activities, such as courses or counselling.Footnote 30
Perhaps, then, the more accurate conclusion to draw is that the ECHR implicitly recognises imprisoned persons’ right to have their rehabilitation enabled by the state, and that this sometimes implies a right to be provided with rehabilitative interventions. The Grand Chamber in Murray allows that providing a “real opportunity” for rehabilitation might sometimes require that convicted persons “be enabled to undergo treatments or therapies – be they medical, psychological or psychiatric – adapted to their situation with a view to facilitating their rehabilitation”.Footnote 31 It also allows that it might require affording convicted persons the opportunity to “take part in occupational or other activities where these may be considered to benefit rehabilitation”.Footnote 32 But the reluctance of the ECtHR to endorse a right to rehabilitation across the board indicates that the provision of rehabilitative interventions will not always be necessary to preserve real opportunity for rehabilitation, in the Court’s eyes. Sometimes, perhaps, simply ensuring that punishment is not excessive, that the conditions of detention are humane and that persons’ social and other basic needs are met will be sufficient to preserve opportunity for rehabilitation. Consider a situation where the relevant party is already motivated, and has sufficient individual and familial resources and skills, to effect their own rehabilitation without state assistance.Footnote 33
7.3 Rationales for a Right to Rehabilitation
Working on the understanding, then, that the imperative to enable rehabilitation at least sometimes implies a right to rehabilitation (i.e., to rehabilitative interventions), we shall now examine the moral and legal rationales lending support to a right to rehabilitation in certain circumstances. These rationales will bring us closer to elucidating the kinds of situations where a right to “real opportunity” for rehabilitation might imply a right to rehabilitation.
Our analysis focuses on two rationales that have (or which are extensions of arguments that have) been advanced in the philosophical and legal literature. The first (legal) rationale sees persons’ right to rehabilitation as deriving from the established human right against cruel, inhuman and/or degrading punishment enshrined in Article 3 ECHR and Article 7 ICCPR (which closely relates to Article 10 ICCPR).Footnote 34 The second (moral) rationale is more aspirational, in that it argues that a right to rehabilitation is contained in an (as yet unrecognised) human right to social contribution.Footnote 35
There may well be other rationales too. A right to rehabilitation might, for instance, also derive from or be supported by the established human right to liberty (Article 5 ECHR and Article 9 ICCPR), such that imprisoned persons subject to long or indeterminate sentences have a right to rehabilitation.Footnote 36 A right to rehabilitation might further derive from persons’ putative moral right to reparation for structural injustice, such that convicted persons whose crimes emanate at least in part from institutionally created poverty or concentrated disadvantage have a right to rehabilitation as a means of reparation for these injustices.Footnote 37 But for our present analysis, we focus on the two abovementioned rationales.
We focus on these two rationales for a number of reasons. One reason for focusing on the relationship between the right against cruel punishment and rehabilitation is that the jurisprudence invoking this relationship is reasonably extensive, and more extensive than the jurisprudence on the implications of the right to liberty for rehabilitation.Footnote 38 The right to liberty also likely generates support for a right to rehabilitation in the same kinds of situations as those in which the right against cruel and inhuman punishment provides support.Footnote 39 Focusing on just one of these established human rights thus prevents our analysis from being too repetitive, notwithstanding that a forceful argument for a right to rehabilitation could potentially also be made from the right to liberty. One reason for focusing on the implications of the putative human right to social contribution for rehabilitation is that the principal defender of the former right, Kimberley Brownlee, gestures towards this right’s implications for criminal justice.Footnote 40 A focus on social contribution is also prudent because of the growing emphasis on human sociality, and its relevance for rights, in the philosophical literature on human rights.Footnote 41
7.3.1 The Right against Cruel, Inhuman and/or Degrading Punishment
Consider first the idea that a right to rehabilitation is a derivative right of persons’ right against cruel, inhuman and/or degrading punishment. As already mentioned in this section, this latter right is enshrined in Article 7 ICCPR – closely related to Article 10 ICCPR – and in Article 3 ECHR. It can also be justified at the level of fundamental morality in a myriad of ways: for example, by pointing to the strength and moral urgency of persons’ interest in avoiding cruel and inhuman treatment;Footnote 42 by pointing to how a rights-based prohibition against cruel punishment produces the best overall consequences for persons;Footnote 43 or by suggesting that a group of hypothetical bargainers would agree upon a prohibition against cruel punishment, not knowing their own position in the world.Footnote 44 Often in the legal literature, however, the right against cruel, inhuman and/or degrading punishment has given a “dignitarian” justification. That is, persons’ dignity, intrinsic value or full moral status is often invoked as justifying persons’ right against cruel, inhuman or degrading punishments.Footnote 45
How might the right against cruel and/or inhuman punishment serve as the source for a right to rehabilitation? There are at least two different ways by which it might, but each only serves to establish that some subpopulations of convicted persons have a right to rehabilitation. A first way appeals to the effects some forms of punishment might have on those convicted in the absence of rehabilitation. The thought typically advanced is that carceral punishment without attendant rehabilitation can have sufficiently degenerative effects as to constitute cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment, particularly when dispensed over a long period of time.Footnote 46 Prisons’ potential degenerative effects are well-documented. Being imprisoned can lead to a decline in one’s ability to interact sociallyFootnote 47 and to make decisions for oneself.Footnote 48 It can also be traumatising,Footnote 49 brutalisingFootnote 50 and can incur damage to one’s ability to exert inhibitory control or to self-regulate (i.e., to control one’s automatic urges and think before one acts),Footnote 51 which could in fact frustrate a person’s achievement of rehabilitation.Footnote 52 Imprisonment can also increase the likelihood that a person will recidivate.Footnote 53 This increased likelihood risks making persons more susceptible to reconviction and repeat punishment – a created risk that itself could be argued to be cruel.
A second way the right against cruel punishment might serve as a source for a right to rehabilitation appeals to the impact that imprisonment without rehabilitation might have on persons’ prospect of release when they are subject to life, long or indeterminate sentences. The initial thought here is that carceral punishment can be rendered cruel and inhuman if it is dispensed with little realistic prospect of release and/or societal reintegration. The further thought is that, insofar as the provision of rehabilitation is necessary to sustain hope of release (as might be the case when a person is serving a life, long or indeterminate sentence and their release depends on their demonstrating that they have become rehabilitated),Footnote 54 then providing rehabilitation is necessary to avoid subjecting persons to cruel and/or inhuman punishment.
The first way identified above receives greater emphasis in U.S jurisprudence. The case law of the Federal Courts has repeatedly granted that persons are subject to cruel and unusual punishment when punitive conditions make it impossible or highly unlikely for them to make progress toward their rehabilitation.Footnote 55 The case of Laaman v. Helgemoe is an important example in this regard. In Laaman, the District Court judged that the right against cruel punishment is violated when “the cumulative impact of the conditions of incarceration threatens the physical, mental and emotional health and well-being of the inmates and/or creates a probability of recidivism and future incarceration”.Footnote 56 Invoking the concepts of “human dignity” and the “intrinsic worth” of human beings as grounds for the right against cruel and unusual punishment, the District Court suggested that a “debilitating” prison environment that is “counterproductive to the inmates’ efforts to rehabilitate themselves” is marked by “needless suffering” and hence is cruel.Footnote 57 It is marked by needless suffering, firstly, because debilitating prison environments pose risks to imprisoned persons’ “sanity or mental well-being”.Footnote 58 It is also marked by needless suffering because, in increasing the likelihood of prisoner degeneration, it makes recidivism and reincarceration – and hence further pain and suffering – “probable”.Footnote 59
Note, that in Laaman, and in all the case law of the U.S. Federal Courts, the legal instrument under analysis is the Eight Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which proscribes cruel and unusual punishment. However, given the near-identity between the content of this Eight Amendment and both Article 3 ECHR and Article 7 ICCPR, the reasoning here seems also relevant for – and could potentially be applied in the interpretative analysis of – these international human rights documents. Note, too, that U.S. jurisprudence teeters over whether persons’ right to serve their sentences in non-debilitating, potentially rehabilitative prison environments requires that they are provided with rehabilitative interventions. The judgement in Laaman is that punishment cannothinder the rehabilitation of those who offend, not expressly that those incarcerated can demand access to rehabilitative interventions or programmes.
Several outputs from the Federal Courts’ jurisprudence, moreover, explicitly state that a broad duty to provide rehabilitation is not required. The Supreme Court, in Rhodes v. Chapman, for instance, claims that “we would have to wrench the Eighth Amendment from its language and history to hold that delay of (…) desirable aids to rehabilitation violates the Constitution”.Footnote 60 The Court in the case of Holt v. Sarver was similarly unwilling to grant that detention in “an otherwise unexceptional penal institution” violated a person’s right against cruel and unusual punishment “simply because the institution does not operate a school, or provide vocational training, or other rehabilitative facilities and services”.Footnote 61 The Court in James v. Wallace likewise rejected the claim that those imprisoned have “an absolute entitlement to the provision of rehabilitative services”.Footnote 62
Still, many orders set forth by the Federal Courts have insisted that prison authorities provide rehabilitation to those they incarcerate. In Laaman, the Court ordered that the relevant prison provide work opportunities and vocational training “in order to minimise degeneration and succour what rehabilitative attempts were being made by inmates”.Footnote 63 The Court in Pugh v. Locke similarly ordered that imprisoned persons “be assigned a meaningful job”, and be given “the opportunity to participate in basic educational programs”, “vocational training programs” and “transition program[s] designed to aid [their] re-entry into society”.Footnote 64 The Court in Barnes v. Government of the Virgin Islands also ordered that imprisoned persons have access to “meaningful rehabilitational opportunities which would prepare inmates to return to society”.Footnote 65 The U.S. position therefore seems to be that a right to rehabilitation can be derived from the right against cruel punishment but only applies in specific cases. It does not imply a broad right to rehabilitative interventions.
The second way of deriving a right to rehabilitation from persons’ right against cruel, inhuman and/or degrading punishment has been invoked (in the jurisprudence of the ECtHR and elsewhere) in relation to life imprisonment cases, and it involves two principal steps. The first step – prominent in the landmark ECtHR case of Vinter and Others/the United KingdomFootnote 66 and in the German Constitutional Court’s 1977 life imprisonment caseFootnote 67 – interprets the prohibition against cruel and/or inhuman punishment as requiring real or de facto prospect of release for those imprisoned.Footnote 68
In her concurring opinion to the Vinter judgement, Judge Power-Forde explicitly connects the lack of real prospect for release with degradation. She maintains that denying imprisoned persons “the right to hope” for atonement and release would deny them “a fundamental aspect of their humanity” and hence “would be degrading”.Footnote 69 The German Federal Constitutional Court likewise affirms that real prospect of release must exist if life imprisonment is to be tolerable.Footnote 70
Similar thoughts are advanced in the reports of the Council of Europe’s Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT). For example, in its 2012 report to the Bulgarian government, the CPT asserted that “it is inhuman to imprison a person for life without any realistic hope of release” and expressed its “serious reservations about the very concept according to which life-sentenced prisoners are considered (…) to be a permanent threat to the community and are deprived of any hope of (…) conditional release”.Footnote 71 The CPT’s 25th General Report likewise affirmed that “excluding (…) any hope of rehabilitation and return to the community effectively dehumanises the prisoner”.Footnote 72
Now, it is one thing to claim that the absence ofhope for release renders the dispensed punishment cruel and inhuman. It is a further step to claim that providing rehabilitation is necessary to sustain hope for release. This further step has been taken in the post-Vinter jurisprudence of the ECtHR, notably in the case of Murray/the Netherlands.Footnote 73 In Murray, the ECtHR’s Grand Chamber ruled that the applicant – a person serving a life sentence in the Dutch Antilles – lacked a de facto prospect of release because he had not been provided with opportunities that could enable him to progress towards the rehabilitation on which his eligibility for release depended. The applicant argued that while his life sentence could, in theory, be reviewed, he could not realistically hope for release because, having never received psychiatric treatment, his recidivism risk would be deemed too high for him to be eligible for release.Footnote 74 The Grand Chamber concurred with the assessment of the applicant. It found a violation of Article 3 ECHR because this lack of treatment and assessment of treatment needs meant that any review of the applicant’s request for release “was in practice incapable of leading to the conclusion that he had made (…) significant progress towards rehabilitation”.Footnote 75 The Grand Chamber in this case also acknowledged, as already mentioned, that genuine prospect for rehabilitation may require, in certain circumstances, that imprisoned persons “be enabled to undergo treatments or therapies – be they medical, psychological or psychiatric – adapted to their situation” that can be expected to facilitate their rehabilitation.Footnote 76 It further acknowledged that imprisoned persons “should also be allowed to take part in occupational or other activities where these may be considered to benefit rehabilitation”.Footnote 77
The conclusion in Murray is thus that providing rehabilitation may sometimes be necessary to effect the possibility of release for those serving life, or otherwise indeterminate, sentences – something itself deemed necessary for compliance with Article 3 ECHR.
This echoes the position voiced in Harakchiev and Tolumov/Bulgaria.Footnote 78 Recall that the ECtHR observed, in this earlier case, that while Article 3 ECHR “cannot be construed as imposing on the authorities an absolute duty to provide prisoners with rehabilitation or reintegration programmes and activities (…) it does require the authorities to give life prisoners a chance, however remote, to someday regain their freedom”.Footnote 79 Note, too, that the Court in this case further observed that “for that chance to be genuine and tangible, the authorities must also give life prisoners a real opportunity to rehabilitate themselves”.Footnote 80 It also insisted that “efforts need to be made by the prison authorities” to promote these individuals’ rehabilitation and resocialisation.Footnote 81
Various non-binding human rights instruments likewise suggest a link between the provision of rehabilitation and the avoidance of cruel punishment in cases of life sentences. The Council of Europe holds that those sentenced to life should have the possibility of conditional release and that prison conditions “consistent with the principles of justice, equity and fairness” should afford persons “constructive preparations for release” with opportunities for “work, education, training and other activities”.Footnote 82 The CPT similarly emphasises that “having a purely formal possibility to apply for release (…) is not sufficient” to satisfy this “prospect of release” requirement.Footnote 83 Rather, “member states must ensure, notably through the way they treat life-sentenced prisoners, that this possibility is real and effective”.Footnote 84
The foregoing discussion demonstrates that there is precedent within human rights law for deriving a right to rehabilitation from the existing human rights prohibition on cruel, inhuman and/or degrading treatment or punishment, at least in certain circumstances. Some scepticism might nonetheless arise about the value of linking rehabilitation with the right against cruel punishment, notwithstanding the support that this position receives within the case law. One thought might be that the prohibition on degrading punishment should not imply that convicted persons have a right to interventions that might counteract punishment’s degrading effects, but rather that states must not impose punishments that have the potential to be degrading in the first place. Another thought might be that providing rehabilitation is unnecessary to preserve genuine hope for release, even in the case of life or long-term sentences, so long as ample opportunity to review sentences and reassess persons’ risk of reoffending is preserved. Every imprisoned person qua rational agent, after all, has the capacity and potential to rehabilitate themselves.Footnote 85
Three comments by way of assuaging this scepticism can be made. First, it goes without saying that the prohibition against degrading punishments would be better upheld if our punishment practices did not have the potential to have degenerative effects. Reform of our carceral practices consequently should be a priority of criminal justice institutions in order to ensure compliance with Article 3 ECHR, Article 7 ICCPR and Article 10 ICCPR, and should take precedence over reform efforts that merely seek to counter penal degradation. That said, it remains the case that many persons currently are, or will inevitably soon be, subject to potentially degenerative punishments. So long as this is the case – and it is possible that criminal justice systems will always rely on some sort of detention-based (and hence potentially degenerating) sanctions for persons who pose a serious risk to the publicFootnote 86 – then linking the avoidance of cruel punishment to the provision of rehabilitation makes sense and should be welcomed. We can accept this without diverting our attention away from the need and imperative to reform our punishment practices.
Second, while regular sentence review and regular risk reassessment should be sufficient to preserve genuine prospect for release in theory – in practice, it is not always sufficient. Sentence review procedures in many jurisdictions often require that long-term- or life-sentenced persons demonstrate that they have made progress toward their rehabilitation.Footnote 87 One option would, of course, be to change this requirement. But again, so long as this requirement exists, demonstrating that one has made progress towards rehabilitation will likely be easier if there are positive reports from various courses, interventions and/or therapies undertaken to draw upon. And this may be particularly relevant for those serving indefinite sentences based on the presumption that they pose a danger to the public (i.e., preventive detention). Consider how the ECtHR’s approach to rehabilitation under Article 5 ECHR, as Martufi summarises below, emphasises the relevance of rehabilitation for this kind of situation:Footnote 88
even when detention is justified on grounds of public protection, prisoners shall be offered real opportunities to rehabilitate and, as a result, must be entitled to an effective possibility to progress through the prison system and become eligible for parole. In the absence of such offending-behaviour programmes, a deprivation of liberty based exclusively on the presumed dangerousness of the offenders would amount to “arbitrary detention”, within the meaning of Article 5(1)(a) ECHR.Footnote 89
Third, while all persons qua rational agents are in principle capable of rehabilitating themselves, it seems overly demanding, and arguably inhuman, to expect people to do so without support. The right to have a genuine “prospect of release” is surely most acceptably understood as a right to this prospect through realistic effort – not through gargantuan effort. Achieving rehabilitation and eligibility for release without external support will likely sometimes be a gargantuan task. Consider how it likely would be extremely difficult for a person whose violent crimes stem in part from impulsive aggression to curb their aggressive behaviour without some form of professional support.Footnote 90 Consider also how rehabilitation might be very difficult to achieve when one’s crimes emanate, at least in part, from economic and educational disadvantage unless one is helped to improve one’s employability and job prospects. Given these realities, the mere fact that persons could in principle rehabilitate themselves does not undermine the claim – voiced in Murray and elsewhere – that rehabilitative interventions may sometimes be necessary to make rehabilitation and release reasonably achievable.Footnote 91 Linking the avoidance of cruel punishment to the provision of rehabilitation is thus a reasonable link to make, at least in certain circumstances.
7.3.2 The Right to Socially Contribute
In the previous subsection, we focused on the ways in which a right to rehabilitation might be derived from the established human right against cruel, inhuman and/or degrading punishment. We shall now articulate another route by which a right to rehabilitation might be supported, drawing on the recent scholarship of Kimberley Brownlee.Footnote 92 Brownlee defends a human right to socially contribute. By this, she means that persons have a moral right to “contribute (…) to others’ survival and well-being”Footnote 93 that applies universally and which ought to be recognised in law.
Contributing to others’ survival and well-being, according to Brownlee, includes providing others with material support and security, and also companionship and closeness.Footnote 94 She defends a right to socially contribute by appealing to humans’ fundamental needtobelong – viz., to affiliate with and be accepted by a minimum quantity of others.Footnote 95 She emphasises that this need is a “non-contingent, morally urgent need” of oursFootnote 96 – something that we must have if we are to “survive and flourish”.Footnote 97 She then contends that contributing to others’ survival and well-being “is a key way to satisfy our need to belong”,Footnote 98 and argues for a human right to social contribution by appealing to the idea that persons have “human right(s) to the conditions necessary to realize a minimally good human life”.Footnote 99
Brownlee considers her proposed right to social contribution to have both positive and negative dimensions. It contains both a right against having one’s opportunities to socially contribute thwarted and a right to the material and temporal resources required for social contribution.Footnote 100 Brownlee also sees the right as sharing the same moral standing as existing civil and political rights. She acknowledges that social human rights – that is, rights that pertain to interpersonal, as against political or economic, interests – “have long been the poorest of the poor cousins in human rights debates”,Footnote 101 often considered “desirable goal[s]” or “liberal aspirations” rather than “things to which we can have human rights”.Footnote 102 Brownlee takes issue with this and maintains that many social rights, including the right to socially contribute, are as important to fulfil as those rights classed as “first generation rights”.Footnote 103 They are important because of the role that social rights play in helping people lead minimally good lives.Footnote 104
We shall not defend the credentials of the proposed human right to socially contribute here. Our interest is in exploring what a right to socially contribute, as defended by Brownlee, could imply for the provision of rehabilitation in criminal justice. Interestingly, Brownlee’s defence of this right is partly motivated by her concern for the situation of convicted persons.Footnote 105 She points to how convicted persons are one subpopulation often denied a right to socially contribute insofar as they are subjected to exclusionary punishments that “sever their social bonds”, or are given “criminal records they can never spend”.Footnote 106 And while Brownlee does not explicitly argue that her proposed human right implies a right to rehabilitation, we think that the right to socially contribute (if it exists) would imply this, at least for some subpopulations of convicted persons.Footnote 107
Consider how Brownlee insists that the right to socially contribute places governments under a defeasible duty to help protect and preserve people’s social resources, to a minimally adequate level.Footnote 108 By social resources, Brownlee means a person’s social abilities (the set of skills that people need for interacting with others); their social opportunities (occasions at which interaction is possible); and their social connections (enduring links with others that meet a standard of decency). Consider, too, how this putative governmental duty to help protect and preserve people’s social resources entails a duty to make rehabilitation available to convicted persons, if and when rehabilitation is necessary to help protect and preserve people’s social resources to a minimally adequate level.
Whether and when rehabilitation is necessary for preserving one’s social resources is, of course, an empirical question. However, it is reasonable to suppose that it might sometimes be necessary. Rehabilitative interventions such as family therapy/group counselling could conceivably be necessary for preserving a convicted persons’ supportive social connections in cases where their crime(s) are serious in nature and/or when they involve victims from their own social circle.Footnote 109 Educational or vocational interventions might likewise be necessary to preserve people’s social opportunities in cases where imprisonment forecloses previously relied upon opportunities and networks. Various psychotherapies could further be necessary when persons, due to mental illness or particular personality traits, have difficulty forging and sustaining supportive social connections. As said, we cannot pass judgement on how commonly rehabilitation will be necessary to effect these outcomes. Our point is simply that, assuming there will be some occasions when preserving convicted persons’ social resources requires rehabilitative interventions, the (defeasible) moral right to social contribution implies a defeasible moral right to have access to them. Defeasible because access and availability will always be subject to resource constraints, and because rights to access various interventions will need to be balanced against other rights’ considerations.Footnote 110
7.4 A State Duty to Provide Neurorehabilitation?
We shall now assess what these two candidate justifications for a right to rehabilitation imply for the specific case of neurorehabilitation. More precisely, we ask whether the right against cruel and degrading punishment and/or the putative right to social contribution imply a right to have access to safe and effective neurorehabilitation, at least in certain circumstances and provided that the intervention in question does not violate (other) human rights.Footnote 111
Consider first the prohibition against cruel and/or degrading punishment. How might this support a right to neurorehabilitation? We suggest that the right against cruel punishment implies a defeasible right to neurorehabilitation when either (a) neurorehabilitation would counter the degenerative effects of punishment more effectively than conventional rehabilitation would do alone; or (b) when neurorehabilitation is necessary to make the achievement of rehabilitation and eligibility for release reasonably achievable.Footnote 112 In suggesting this, we assume the prohibition against cruel and/or degrading punishment – insofar as it implies a right to rehabilitation – further implies a right to an effective package of interventions for offsetting punishment’s degenerative effects or for preserving genuine prospect for release. Such a view seems to be accepted when it comes to offering traditional forms of rehabilitation: while convicted persons do not have a right to all and every rehabilitative intervention, insofar as they have a right to rehabilitative interventions, this right is to effective interventions from among the reasonably affordable alternatives.Footnote 113
Whether neurorehabilitation will in the future be part of an effective approach is again an empirical question. However, it is reasonable to postulate that in some cases it might be. For one thing, neurorehabilitation combined with conventional rehabilitative measures might sometimes help counteract imprisonment’s potential degenerative effects effectively when conventional rehabilitative measures alone do not. Neurorehabilitation might also sometimes provide a means for preserving genuine hope of rehabilitation and release in situations where hope is lost. We cannot defend these thoughts definitively here. Still, we shall provide some motivation for them.
First, consider the potential anti-degeneration effects of some existing and emerging neuropharmaceuticals and technologies. At one level, we have the neuropharmaceuticals already in use within forensic psychiatry – so, for example, medication that might help to combat the traumatising and brutalising effects that sometimes attend incarceration.Footnote 114 These kinds of interventions clearly can be utilised to help counter the potentially degenerative effects of our carceral practices. Providing these interventions might also sometimes be required, not only to protect and fulfil the right to rehabilitation but also to protect and fulfil persons’ right to mental health.Footnote 115 And in the future, novel developments might further broaden the range of interventions at our disposal for forestalling penal degeneration.Footnote 116 Again, the prospect of these anti-degeneration neurointerventions does not obviate the need to reform our carceral practices such that they do not produce degenerative effects in the first place. Indeed, it might be objected that a person is still subjected to cruel and degrading punishment if neurointerventions are required for, and harnessed for the purpose of, making prison tolerable.Footnote 117 Our point here is thus not that neurorehabilitation might render otherwise unacceptable punishments acceptable but rather that as and when persons are subject to punishment-induced degeneration that can be countered more effectively with neurorehabilitation, refraining from providing neurorehabilitation may be cruel and in violation of the prohibition on cruel treatment.
Consider next how the offer of neurorehabilitation might sometimes be necessary to preserve hope for release in cases where a person is subject to life, long or indeterminate (preventive) detention and where conventional rehabilitative measures have failed to enable rehabilitation. Again, we cannot comment on how likely it is that candidate and emerging neurotechnologies will succeed when conventional measures have failed. But as things stand, conventional rehabilitation proves ineffective for some individuals. Some such individuals consequently lack genuine prospect of release when their release depends on their demonstrating that they have become rehabilitated.Footnote 118 Offering safe and effective neurorehabilitation in these circumstances – if it exists – would put hope back on the table. The right against cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment would thus support a (defeasible) right to access safe and effective neurotechnologies if and when these are necessary to preserve hope for rehabilitation and release.Footnote 119
Looking next to the putative human right to socially contribute and the implications this proposed right might have for neurorehabilitation, one possible implication is a right to have access to neurorehabilitation when one exhibits dispositions and behaviours that hinder one’s ability to socially contribute, and when these dispositions and behaviours are amenable to alteration via neurorehabilitation. Clearly, some convicted persons exhibit dispositions and behaviours that may hinder their efforts to socially contribute. Think of people who lash out aggressively or who have significant difficulty experiencing compassion for others.Footnote 120 These challenges are not confined to offending populations.Footnote 121 Nor do such challenges necessarily impede one’s ability to socially contribute – we each vary in our dispositions and most of us still manage to contribute to the survival and well-being of at least some others notwithstanding. Our point is simply that there are some persons who appear unable to successfully forge social connections, and for whom this hampers their rehabilitation. For these persons, we think the putative right to socially contribute implies defeasible governmental duties of assistance to enable social contribution. And as and when neurotechnologies are a necessary component of an effective assistance package, then relevant neurotechnologies may be something to which persons have a right, accepting their right to social contribution.
Only time will tell what these relevant neurotechnologies might be. Research is still at a very early stage, so we can only speculate. One relevant technology might be the use of transcranial magnetic stimulation on regions of the brain involved in inhibitory control and communication to help increase brain activity in these regions.Footnote 122 Other examples might be the use of neurofeedback techniques or neuropharmaceuticals to train or stimulate inhibitory control or compassionate responses in their users.Footnote 123
The analysis in this section will likely meet with some reservations. Some may doubt, on the one hand, that the right against cruel punishment implies a right to neurorehabilitation specifically. Others – while accepting that the putative right to socially contribute, insofar as it implies a right to rehabilitation, will also imply a right to neurorehabilitation – may worry about the consequences of recognising this relationship. More precisely, the first objection might be that the right against cruel punishment does not imply a right to neurorehabilitation because rehabilitation ought to be the responsibility of the convicted person themselves – and effective neurorehabilitation essentially rehabilitates, rather than leaving the responsibility for rehabilitation to, the relevant party.Footnote 124 The second objection might be that appealing to a right to social contribution to support a right to neurorehabilitation expresses objectionably disrespectful messages about those who exhibit (neuro)diverse forms of sociality and hence is a line of reasoning that should be resisted.
These objections require more extended discussion than we can afford them here. However, we shall make two brief remarks by way of reply to them. First, neurorehabilitation does not necessarily absolve persons of the responsibility for rehabilitating themselves. On the one hand, a person has to choose to undergo neurorehabilitation when exercising their right to it – something that itself is the first step in taking responsibility for one’s rehabilitation. Furthermore, candidate dispositional changes elicited by neurorehabilitation – for example, attenuated aggression, enhanced empathy or increased social understanding – probably do not in-and-of-themselves lead to desistance from crime. For desistance to occur, it is likely that those who have offended still have to be willing, and make the decision, to desist. A parallel can be made here with how the neurostimulant caffeine can enhance, but is not responsible for, a person’s productivity. Just as caffeine may help facilitate concentration while leaving decisions about how to direct this newly focused state up to the individual consumer, most candidate neurointerventions may only deliver on their promise of reducing reoffending if the person is, in fact, willing to desist.Footnote 125
The objection that deriving a right to neurorehabilitation from a right to social contribution expresses objectionably disrespectful messages about those who exhibit neurodiverse forms of sociality should give us cause for pause. Clearly, a broad range of interactional styles can and should be recognised as acceptable, and neurorehabilitation should be developed and delivered in an environment that acknowledges this. Yet, does acknowledging a relationship between a right to social contribution and a right to neurorehabilitation express such a disrespectful message? We think not necessarily, particularly if (a) the right to neurorehabilitation is understood as a right to have access to neurorehabilitation while retaining the prerogative to refuse it (as per our understanding); and (b) neurorehabilitation is not proffered as a tool for changing a person’s particular interactional style. The above discussion endeavoured to illustrate that sometimes, persons’ prerogative to alter their (justice-relevant) dispositions and behaviours might be something they are entitled to claim assistance for, accepting a right to social contribution. But this is not the same as saying that a right to social contribution implies a right to neurotechnological tools that promote neurotypical sociality or that neurotypical sociality is necessary for social contribution. Any movement towards this kind of conclusion should be resisted.Footnote 126
This second objection thus underscores the need for safeguards in making neurorehabilitation available even when there is reason to think persons have a right to it, given the potential unintended sequelae that might follow from introducing neurorehabilitation.
7.5 Concluding Remarks
To conclude, this chapter has documented existing law and jurisprudence with respect to rehabilitation, raised and interrogated two arguments that seem to support convicted persons’ right to rehabilitation under certain conditions and queried what these candidate justifications might imply for the specific case of neurorehabilitation. More specifically, we explored how persons’ moral and legal right against cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment, and persons’ putative moral right to socially contribute, implies a right to rehabilitation under certain conditions. These conditions are when rehabilitation is necessary to prevent or counter the degrading impact of imprisonment, when it is necessary or important for preserving genuine hope for release in the case of life-sentenced or preventatively detained persons; and when it is necessary for preserving convicted persons’ ability to contribute to the survival and well-being of at least some others.
Based on this analysis, we argued that the right to rehabilitation implies a defeasible right to neurorehabilitation, when neurorehabilitation is necessary to effect the above outcomes. In practice, this would of course depend, in the first place, on the availability of neurotechnologies that have been shown to be effective for rehabilitative purposes at least in some subgroups of convicted persons.
8.1 Introduction
Can neurotechnologies be used responsibly in the rehabilitation of convicted persons, respecting fundamental freedoms and rights? This is the question we have endeavoured to answer throughout this book. The human rights challenges generated by new and emerging neurotechnologies have been widely noted by scholars, ethics committees and human rights bodies.Footnote 1 This has prompted a debate on how and to what extent human rights protect – and should protect – against unsolicited interference with our brains and minds.Footnote 2 In a recent report on the impact, opportunities and challenges of neurotechnology in relation to human rights, the Human Rights Council Advisory Committee concluded that neurotechnologies can affect human rights in a “unique manner”. Therefore, developing an actionable human rights approach is of the “utmost importance”. Some of their concerns relate to the potential use of neurotechnology in the criminal justice system, holding that “most of the applications proposed are extremely problematic from a human rights perspective”. For example, they consider that “forceful extraction of information from detainees or offenders through the use of neurotechnology is prohibited”.Footnote 3
In this book, we explored the permissibility of the use of neurotechnology for the rehabilitation of convicted persons in view of international and European human rights law. This entailed three central tasks: (A) clarifying the scope of the relevant human rights to identify potential infringements of these rights, (B) clarifying these rights’ permissible limitations to identify potential violations, and (C) exploring the scope of positive obligations of states that can be derived from these rights. Our analysis has provided us with the first contours of a normative, human rights-based framework for neurorehabilitation in criminal justice. We shall now synthesise our results in this final chapter.
From a human rights perspective, the permissibility of neurotechnological interventions will usually depend on all relevant circumstances of the individual case. Still, with this reservation in mind, based on our analysis we can make a tentative distinction between, roughly, three different types of neurotechnological interventions for the purpose of criminal rehabilitation: (1) plausibly permissible interventions, (2) plausibly impermissible interventions, and (3) interventions of which the permissibility is largely unclear. While acknowledging its oversimplicity and stressing, again, that from a human rights perspective the lawfulness of neurotechnological interventions will normally depend on the facts and circumstance of individual cases, we do think that attempts to clarify different categories of (im)permissible interventions has value. Such endeavours are particularly relevant in relation to ongoing developments in policymaking and the regulation of neurotechnologies through general guidelines, often informed by and grounded in human rights.Footnote 4
Therefore, based on the analyses in the preceding chapters, we will try to tentatively identify at least some categories of neurotechnological applications of which their use in criminal justice appears prima facie permissible (8.2) and prima facie impermissible (8.4). We also consider neurotechnological applications whose permissibility is largely unclear (8.3). The three categories are meant to structure our thoughts about the human rights protection of the person in relation to neurotechnology. The candidate examples of the respective categories provided in the next sections are certainly not meant to be exhaustive nor definitive.
8.2 Plausibly Permissible Interventions
An instance of neurorehabilitation seems prima facie permissible when (i) valid consent to the intervention is obtained, (ii) the intervention is known to be safe,Footnote 5 and (iii) the intervention is expected to be effective in its professed goal (i.e., the goal of facilitating neurorehabilitation or of identifying neural markers that are relevant for assessing recidivism risk).Footnote 6
This category of prima facie permissible neurorehabilitation includes situations in which making safe and effective neurorehabilitation available to a given person – and delivering it when consent to it is obtained – is not only permissible but plausibly required from a human rights perspective. We discussed this idea of a right to neurorehabilitation in Chapters 5, 6 and 7. In Chapter 5, we suggested that states might have a positive obligation under the right to respect for private life to make mental control-enhancing neurotechnologies available to convicted persons on certain occasions.Footnote 7 For instance, when these persons have mental states that significantly limit their ability to live the kind of life that they want. We suggested in Chapter 6 that states might have a positive obligation under the right to mental health to make neurorehabilitation available to some subpopulations of convicted persons: for instance, when it would be necessary for, or would make it substantially easier for these populations to achieve, a reasonable standard of mental health. And in Chapter 7, we suggested that states might have a positive obligation to make neurorehabilitation available, when neurorehabilitation is necessary (i) to counter the degenerative impact of imprisonment, (ii) to preserve genuine hope for release from prison or (iii) to preserve convicted persons’ ability to socially contribute.
That neurorehabilitation might sometimes be required from a human rights perspective has yet received little support from the case law, though. The use of neurotechnologies in criminal justice is still largely in the research phase and no cases involving neurorehabilitation have been brought before human rights courts. It is also unlikely that rights-based claims to be provided with neurorehabilitation will be successfully invoked in the near future, given (among other things) the resource constraints with which states operate. Still, the suggestion that neurorehabilitation might sometimes be required (absent defeaters) from a human rights perspective receives support from the case law and literature pertaining to other kinds of interventions – for example, standard medical interventions and traditional rehabilitative interventions – and from some general observations of the courts.Footnote 8 We thus posit that the category of plausibly permissible neurotechnological intervention in criminal justice includes some interventions that states also have a defeasible duty to provide.
8.3 Interventions of Which the Permissibility Is Unclear
As follows from the analyses in Chapters 2, 3 and 4, the question about the permissibility of non-consensual use of neurotechnology for rehabilitation is complex.
On first inspection, non-consensual neurorehabilitation might seem like a paradigmatically impermissible interference with the person’s body and mind, and as such, something that is clearly impermissible. The Human Rights Council Advisory Committee seems to lean towards such a position. For example, they write that the prohibition of ill-treatment pursuant to Article 7 ICCPR “provides offenders with protection against brain-reading and brain-writing techniques, particularly ‘neurocorrectives’, which constitute an inherently degrading treatment in all circumstances”.Footnote 9 Furthermore, they hold that “[t]he forceful extraction of information from detainees or offenders through the use of neurotechnologies is prohibited”.Footnote 10 Similar claims have been made based on the right to freedom of thought.Footnote 11
Our analysis provides reasons for more nuance, however. The human rights protection of personal interests over brains and minds, such as the interest in mental privacy, personal integrity and identity, has both a qualified and absolute dimension.Footnote 12 First and foremost, the protection of these interests is covered by qualified rights – in particular, the right to privacy and personal integrity. Furthermore, a limited number of (grave) interferences can engage additional protection within the absolute dimension – particularly from the prohibition of ill-treatment and the right to freedom of thought and, to some extent, by the arguably absolute protection of the core essence of privacy and integrity rights.
As far as non-invasive brain stimulation and neuroprediction is concerned, we found that their non-consensual use is unlikely to infringe either the prohibition of ill-treatment or the right to freedom of thought. Regarding the prohibition of ill-treatment, the bodily and mental effects of non-invasive brain stimulation may often be too subtle to qualify as the infliction of severe physical pain or mental suffering, failing to attain the prohibition’s minimum level of severity threshold. Furthermore, when embedded in a larger and diverse rehabilitation programme, complemented by interventions that actively engage the person – as ends in themselves, not only as means – the risk of disrespecting human dignity by objectification will reasonably be reduced.
Regarding the right to freedom of thought, we argued that at least part of the mental phenomena relevant to the neurotechnological assessment and/or reduction of a person’s recidivism risk – such as certain tendencies, behavioural control, empathic abilities and emotional responses – do not qualify as “thoughts” in the meaning of this right. Hence, when such mental phenomena are the targets of non-consensual neurorehabilitation, the right to freedom of thought is unlikely to be infringed.
Still, in most cases, non-consensual neurorehabilitation will infringe one or more qualified rights and are therefore prima facie prohibited. In particular, they may infringe the right to (mental) privacy, bodily and mental integrity, and, in some cases, the right to personal identity. These are all inherent in the umbrella rights to privacy and to private life pursuant to Article 17 ICCPR and 8 ECHR. Whether an infringement of these qualified rights will constitute a rights violation – rendering a neurotechnological interference impermissible – depends on an ultimate balancing of competing interests, which, in turn, depends on the facts and circumstances of the individual case.
This is no neutral balancing act. Specific restrictions and requirements apply. To be justified, an infringement of the qualified rights to mental privacy and personal integrity should have a non-arbitrary basis in the law and must be proportionate to a legitimate aim, such as crime prevention. Consequently, the permissibility of neurotechnological interventions that infringe these qualified human rights is largely unclear, as it strongly depends on the circumstances of the individual case. Still, some general aspects of the balancing act can be considered.
First, as discussed, the more severe a rights infringement, the more substantial the reasons must be for its justification. Applying this rule to preventive measures in the context of criminal justice often implies that severe rights infringements can only be justified to prevent serious crimes. Assuming that both neuroprediction and neurointerventions aim to contribute to preventing future crime, this means that, to be justified, the interference with a convicted person’s privacy, personal integrity and/or identity should be proportionate to the severity of the harm the authorities aim to protect against.
For example, we argued that the bodily interference of non-invasive brain stimulation will often be minor. Such minor bodily interference could reasonably be considered proportionate to the prevention of a variety of non-trivial criminal offences. Meanwhile, we also argued that the mental effects of these interventions may be significant, which could lead to a severe infringement of the right to mental integrity. If such infringements can be justified at all, their justification would require weighty reasons, such as the prevention of severe crimes like murder, rape or abuse.
However, since the right to mental integrity is currently underdeveloped, it is unclear how exactly the severity of infringements of this right should be assessed. We suggested the potential relevance of the directness of a mental interference and the level of mental harm that it causes. If the primary aim of a right to mental integrity is to protect autonomy over mental states and processes, then it is plausible that the less mental control an intervention leaves to the affected person, the more severe the infringement of the right to mental integrity can be considered to be. If we assume that, generally, direct interventions leave less control over mental states than indirect interventions, this would imply that, in general, stronger reasons are needed to justify infringements through direct interventions compared to indirect interventions. And when an infringement of the right to mental integrity entails additional mental harm, such as anxiety, stress or discomfort as a side effect of medication or brain stimulation, this likely adds to the severity of the rights infringement, therefore requiring more substantial reasons for justification.
The tools we considered in the context of neurorehabilitation – such as tDCS, TMS and psychopharmaceutical interventions – are of a direct nature as they target brain processes. The mental changes they induce leave little (if any) room for mental control to the person. Therefore, on the proposed account, these interventions could be considered to interfere with the person’s mental autonomy to a significant degree, requiring weighty and very important reasons to be justified, such as reducing recidivism risks related to manslaughter or sexual abuse. Clearly, the need for such substantial reasons may further increase when the intervention entails harmful psychological side effects. Hence, whether such interferences can be permissible in some cases is an open question and the answer to it may strongly depend on the circumstances of each individual case.
Another consideration that could be relevant to the permissibility of neurorehabilitative tools that infringe qualified human rights is whether they interfere with the “core” or “essence” of those rights. The essence of rights doctrine has been employed for the interpretation and adjudication of human rights under both the ICCPR and the ECHR.Footnote 13 Respect for the essence of international human rights arguably follows from Article 5(1) ICCPR.Footnote 14 Furthermore, according to the Siracusa Principles on the Limitation and Derogation of Provisions in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, permissible limitations of Covenant rights “shall not be interpreted so as to jeopardize the essence of the right concerned”.Footnote 15 Likewise, considering Article 2(1) ICCPR, the Human Rights Committee states that, when restricting Covenant rights, “[s]tates must demonstrate their necessity and only take such measures as are proportionate to the pursuance of legitimate aims in order to ensure continuous and effective protection of Covenant rights. In no case may the restrictions be applied or invoked in a manner that would impair the essence of a Covenant right”.Footnote 16
In the same vein, the ECtHR has stressed, on various occasions, that restrictions on human rights may not impair the “very essence” of those rights.Footnote 17 As Gerards observes, in some cases, it seems that the essence of the right constitutes an “inviolable and absolute core” that cannot be balanced away, operating as a real limit of limits.Footnote 18
Meanwhile, in other cases, the ECtHR appears to favour a rather relative approach to the essence of rights, holding that, in principle, the margin of appreciation of states will be narrowed if the essence of a Convention right is affected. In Chapter 3 we saw that such core rights reasoning generally implies that the closer a certain aspect of a right relates to the central values underlying the ECHR – democracy and the rule of law, pluralism, human dignity and personal autonomy – the more important it can be considered to be. Meanwhile, the more a certain aspect is in the periphery of the right, the less weighty it can be taken to be. Because restrictions of core rights might threaten the realisation of the ECHR’s central objectives, the ECtHR considers it justified to apply strict scrutiny.Footnote 19 For example, under the right to respect for private life pursuant to Article 8 ECHR, the ECtHR holds that when “a particularly important facet of an individual’s existence or identity is at stake, the margin of appreciation allowed to the State will be restricted”.Footnote 20
Hence, when the non-consensual stimulation of a convicted person’s brain interferes with behavioural traits or mental states that must be considered an essential aspect of the person’s identity,Footnote 21 the state’s margin of appreciation is plausibly narrow. In such cases, the national authorities have limited discretion in balancing the convicted person’s private interests against the public interest of crime prevention.
Note, however, that in human rights law, the essence of rights doctrine has not yet come to full development. Its application by different courts and treaty bodies is often considered vague, unreliable and inconsistent.Footnote 22 Therefore, the implications of this doctrine for neurorehabilitation under both the ECHR and ICCPR are yet unclear.
8.4 Plausibly Impermissible Interventions
Based on our analysis, we can identify two general circumstances where non-consensual neurorehabilitation is impermissible under established human rights law – that is, when the interference (i) infringes and therefore violates an absolute human right or (ii) infringes a qualified right in a way that cannot reasonably be justified, therefore constituting a rights violation.
Non-consensual or mandatory employment of neurotechnology will be impermissible if it infringes the prohibition of ill-treatment or the right to freedom of thought – two rights that are generally considered to be absolute.Footnote 23 Although we concluded that the relevance of these rights and freedoms appear limited regarding the case of neurorehabilitation in criminal justice, they do set some clear and absolute boundaries. First, the involuntary employment of neurotechnology is impermissible if the effects (or side effects) are severe, for example, because it is very painful, dehumanizing, has dreadful impact on the person’s health or severely affects the person’s agency or autonomy, which all plausibly qualify as inhuman or at least degrading treatment, prohibited by Article 7 ICCPR and 3 ECHR.
Furthermore, non-consensual neurorehabilitation is impermissible when it changes or reveals the person’s religious beliefs, conscientious convictions or their unexpressed thoughts. Although the precise interpretation of “thought” in human rights law is yet unsettled, some mental features clearly qualify, such as political and philosophical beliefs. Other candidates that might qualify include a person’s deepest wishes and sexual desires. Non-consensual interference with such mental properties will infringe the right to freedom of thought and is therefore prohibited.
Finally, supposing the use of neurorehabilitation is safe and effective, has a non-arbitrary legal basis and pursues a legitimate interest,Footnote 24 its non-consensual use will be impermissible if it constitutes an unnecessary or disproportionate infringement of one of the considered qualified rights. Although considerations of necessity and proportionality usually require a balancing of interests in view of all relevant circumstances of the individual case, some clear instances of impermissible interference can be identified.
For example, when the targeted person is willing to submit to traditional forms of rehabilitation and these interventions promise to be equally effective, the non-consensual administration of neuropharmaceuticals or mandatory employment of brain stimulation is unnecessary and would, therefore, constitute an impermissible infringement of the relevant right, like the right to personal integrity. Furthermore, compulsory neurointerventions will likely be disproportionate when applied to persons who are not a severe threat to public safety. Likewise, interferences with the person’s mental privacy during neuroprediction can be excessive and unnecessary, for example, when targeting non-crime-relevant mental properties.
8.5 Closing Remarks
Neurotechnological developments have led to a lively debate among scholars and policymakers regarding the protection of our minds. The freedom of our minds and the rights that protect them are of the utmost importance to humans and humanity.
One possible area of future application is of particular concern. This area is criminal justice and it is one of concern because it is a domain where non-consensual use of neurotechnology might be considered, where some limitations of rights and freedoms are legally permissible and where the stakes are typically high, both for convicted persons, victims and society at large.
Our analysis has focused on the application of neurotechnologies in this domain. More specifically, we considered neurorehabilitation in relation to human rights that protect the person – their body and mind. We set out to identify whether – and if so, how – neurorehabilitation might be used responsibly from a human rights perspective. As the key components of this analysis – the neurotechnologies and the legal frameworks – are evolving, our conclusions are only provisional.
Still, we conclude that current human rights protection of our bodies and minds is robust. At the same time, with the exception of certain areas, it is not absolute, meaning it will often require a balancing of competing interests. For instance, as we argued that neurointerventions for rehabilitative purposes may usually not target “thoughts” in a strict sense, but rather inclinations and preferences, it appears that absolute protection by the right to freedom of thought, although not impossible, is less likely. That means that the ultimate decision about the admissibility of such interventions would strongly rely on the applicable qualified rights, like the right to privacy and personal integrity. This means that the admissibility of these interventions will ultimately depend on the type of balancing discussed above. This may be reason to seek further protection, for instance in the form of reshaped human rights or by other means.
Emerging neurotechnologies do not only pose threats and create risks and, therefore, require legal protection. They also open up opportunities for people’s health, rehabilitation and the enhancement of mental capabilities. Accordingly, we explored the existence and possible implications of rights to the application of neurotechnologies, at least to some forms of use.
Based on our analysis in Chapters 5, 6, and 7, we suggested that there may be situations where making safe and effective neurorehabilitation available to a given person – and delivering it when voluntary and competent consent to it is obtained – is not only plausibly permissible but perhaps even required from a human rights perspective. Meanwhile, that neurorehabilitation may be required from a human rights perspective receives little support from the case law so far. We suggested that states might have a positive obligation to offer neurorehabilitation when it is necessary (i) to counter the degenerative impact of imprisonment, (ii) to preserve genuine hope for release from prison or (iii) to preserve convicted persons’ ability to socially contribute. Meanwhile, practical considerations may be relevant here: the likelihood of successful rights-based claims to neurorehabilitation is also influenced by resource constraints within which states operate.
Still, we feel it is highly important that positive rights receive attention in future debates about responsible use of neurotechnologies in criminal justice, together with the negative rights that protect us from unsolicited interference by others with our brains and minds.