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Gaza as the World’s “Laboratory of Violence”: Biopolitics, Necropolitics, and the Undermining of Sustainable Development

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 October 2025

Tasnim Alam Mukim*
Affiliation:
Department of English, Northern University Bangladesh , Dhaka, Bangladesh
Mohammad Rahmatullah
Affiliation:
Department of English, Northern University Bangladesh , Dhaka, Bangladesh
Fahima Tasnim
Affiliation:
Department of English, Northern University Bangladesh , Dhaka, Bangladesh
Bushra Anwar
Affiliation:
Department of English, Northern University Bangladesh , Dhaka, Bangladesh
*
Corresponding author: Tasnim Alam Mukim; Email: tasnimalam421@gmail.com
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Abstract

This article examines the siege of Gaza as a paradigmatic case of Achille Mbembe’s necropolitics, revealing how Gaza operates as a “laboratory of violence” where advanced military occupation, border control, and surveillance techniques are tested and exported. By tracing the intensifying militarization and orchestrated deprivation imposed on its population, this study demonstrates how colonial biopolitics embodied in strict movement restrictions, engineered food scarcity, and segregated medical care undermine human rights and perpetuate chronic vulnerability. These necropolitical practices obstruct key United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), including SDG 2 (Zero Hunger), SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-Being), and SDG 16 (Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions), exposing moral and political contradictions within international frameworks committed to “leaving no one behind.” Yet the SDG rubric itself arose within a development discourse entangled with colonial power, making any assessment of Gaza’s “progress” by these indicators ethically and epistemically fraught. Gaza’s predicament exemplifies the destructive potential of protracted conflict and structural violence in derailing global development targets. This article reframes Gaza’s siege as both a localized humanitarian crisis and a global precedent with serious implications for international policy and human rights law. By situating Gaza as a focal point for understanding necropolitical governance, this study seeks to portray the urgency of policy interventions that move beyond rhetoric and have demonstrably challenged and mitigated such regimes in comparable contexts.

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The siege of Gaza has been the focus of sustained scrutiny by international humanitarian organizations, legal bodies, and policy analysts, particularly in relation to its humanitarian and legal ramifications.Footnote 1 Over 2 million residents in Gaza live under stringent restrictions on mobility, trade, and access to essential resources, conditions that have resulted in critical shortfalls in healthcare, infrastructure, and economic stability. These systematic constraints necessitate a theoretical examination that extends beyond conventional geopolitical analyses. This study employs biopolitics, which examines the governance of life through regulatory mechanisms impacting health, resource access, and movement, alongside necropolitics, which interrogates sovereign power’s capacity to expose specific populations to conditions of structural death.Footnote 2 By integrating these frameworks, this analysis illuminates how policies of spatial restriction, infrastructural deprivation, and cyclical military escalations function as mechanisms of control.

This inquiry is structured around three interrelated research questions. First, it examines the blockade as a mechanism that extends beyond security imperatives to operate as a system of protracted deprivation, sustaining economic precarity and institutional erosion.Footnote 3 Second, it interrogates Gaza’s function as a “laboratory of violence,” wherein surveillance technologies, border-control mechanisms, and military tactics are developed, tested, and exported for broader global application.Footnote 4 Third, it evaluates the implications of these governance strategies for sustainable development, specifically their impact on key United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), including SDG 2 (Zero Hunger), SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-Being), and SDG 16 (Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions).Footnote 5 While SDG metrics illuminate quantifiable deprivation, they cannot capture the ontological violence of settler-colonial domination; therefore, this study mobilizes them strategically and supplements them with a necropolitical lens.Footnote 6

This study employs a mixed-methods approach, synthesizing qualitative assessments from organizational reports, legal briefs, and policy documents with quantitative datasets on food security, healthcare access, and civilian casualties. Key data sources include reports from the World Health Organization and socioeconomic indicators compiled by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics.Footnote 7 These datasets provide empirical insights into malnutrition rates, infrastructural collapse, and medical-access constraints; each of which embodies a biopolitical dimension, revealing the extent to which access to life-sustaining resources is conditioned by the blockade’s governance structures.Footnote 8 The necropolitical dimension becomes evident in documented instances of recurrent military offensives, disproportionate targeting of civilian infrastructure, and the strategic degradation of essential services, reinforcing a framework in which sovereign power dictates conditions of life and death.Footnote 9

The biopolitical dimensions of the blockade manifest in permit regimes, controlled resource distribution, and restricted economic activity, wherein bureaucratic processes regulate access to medical treatment, food supplies, and employment opportunities. These administrative structures align with Foucauldian principles of power, which emphasize the governance of populations through the management of essential resources.Footnote 10 However, the blockade’s evolution into an apparatus of chronic infrastructural deterioration, enforced economic stagnation, and heightened mortality risk necessitates a transition in analysis toward necropolitics.Footnote 11 Recurrent military escalations, targeted restrictions on fuel and medical supplies, and the orchestration of resource scarcity transform these governance mechanisms into instruments of necropolitical control, wherein exposure to structural harm is a defining condition of existence.

The siege must also be assessed in relation to international legal frameworks, including humanitarian provisions outlined in the Fourth Geneva Convention.Footnote 12 Reports from the United Nations Human Rights Council have raised concerns about the blockade’s legal status, particularly in relation to disproportionate restrictions on civilian access to essential services.Footnote 13 Additionally, the blockade’s reliance on advanced surveillance systems and predictive-policing technologies connects local governance practices to broader global trends in the development of security–industrial complex.Footnote 14 The export of these technologies underlines the argument that Gaza’s siege operates as a proving ground for contemporary border militarization and surveillance methodologies.Footnote 15

A critical examination of these governance structures reveals their profound impact on daily life, amplifying vulnerability to preventable health crises, restricting economic sustainability, and undermining institutional resilience. The blockade’s intersection with sustainable development targets is evident in recurrent shortfalls in meeting basic humanitarian thresholds, as documented in assessments of food security, healthcare access, and infrastructure sustainability.Footnote 16 By applying biopolitical and necropolitical frameworks, this analysis captures both the immediate and long-term structural harm imposed by the siege while interrogating the legal, economic, and political mechanisms that sustain it. In doing so, this study contributes to a broader discussion of how experimental governance practices in Gaza are embedded within global security infrastructures and legal ambiguities, shaping international approaches to conflict regulation and state power.

1. The siege of Gaza in historical perspective: colonial legacies and contemporary realities

The governance structures that define Gaza’s present conditions are rooted in a broader historical continuum of territorial control, population management, and restrictive legal frameworks. The administrative and military restrictions imposed under the ongoing blockade cannot be understood in isolation; they are embedded within a historical trajectory of colonial governance, occupation, and territorial segmentation, extending from the Ottoman era, through the British Mandate, and into the post-1948 geopolitical landscape.Footnote 17 The mechanisms of surveillance, restricted mobility, and resource rationing—which characterize the contemporary blockade—are extensions of past regimes of control, each refining and institutionalizing methods of spatial containment and economic regulation.

Following the dissolution of Ottoman rule in 1917, the British Mandate for Palestine introduced new legal and administrative structures that reshaped governance in the region. Reports from the Palestine Royal Commission (1937) depict the imposition of land regulations, population censuses, and permit systems, which, while presented as administrative tools, effectively facilitated demographic and territorial reconfigurations.Footnote 18 The partition and mass displacement of Palestinians in 1948 further entrenched patterns of spatial control, as refugee populations, including those in the Gaza Strip, were relegated to restricted enclaves with limited sovereignty over land, movement, and economic opportunities.Footnote 19

The 1967 Arab–Israeli conflict marked a pivotal moment in the evolution of these governance structures. With Israel’s military control over Gaza, new layers of territorial administration, movement restrictions, and surveillance mechanisms were introduced. Early military orders from this period codified the regulation of civilian affairs, overseeing property rights, agricultural activities, and economic transactions.Footnote 20 By the late twentieth century, limited governance reforms, such as those introduced under the Oslo Accords framework, failed to fundamentally alter Gaza’s territorial and economic dependencies. Instead, these agreements facilitated new iterations of external control, as evidenced by recurrent border closures, economic restrictions, and intensified permit systems.Footnote 21

The formal imposition of the blockade in 2007 signaled a shift toward comprehensive economic and infrastructural containment. Justifications for the blockade cited security concerns and the need to curtail the movement of materials and people deemed potential threats.Footnote 22 However, documentation from humanitarian agencies emphasizes that the blockade’s impact extends beyond security considerations, functioning as a mechanism of systematic deprivation.Footnote 23 The blockade severely restricted imports of basic goods, medical supplies, and industrial materials, rendering essential infrastructure, including hospitals and energy grids, highly dependent on external approvals for maintenance and restoration. These constraints align with necropolitical governance, wherein sovereign power enforces selective deprivation, rendering populations exposed to life-threatening shortages of resources.Footnote 24

The institutionalization of the blockade materialized through layered administrative and economic controls, including permit systems that govern nearly all aspects of civilian life. Medical referrals, academic placements, and employment access are contingent upon security screenings, with denials and delays frequently disrupting essential services.Footnote 25 The impact extends to agricultural and maritime economies, where restricted fishing zones and import limitations on fertilizers and irrigation equipment systematically erode food security.Footnote 26 These interconnected constraints reinforce a governance model in which population survival is administratively regulated, rather than merely incidentally affected by geopolitical conflict.

A crucial dimension of Gaza’s historical trajectory is its function as a test site for surveillance and security technologies. Comprehensive monitoring systems at border crossings, incorporating biometric data, AI-driven facial recognition, and predictive policing algorithms, exemplify exportable security innovations initially deployed in Gaza.Footnote 27 Reports indicate that drone-based crowd monitoring, electronic permit verification, and military-grade border control infrastructure have been refined through repeated application in the blockade’s enforcement mechanisms.Footnote 28 This process conveys the argument that Gaza serves as a laboratory for techniques that are later adopted in other conflict zones, reinforcing a global market for militarized population management.Footnote 29

By tracing the historical evolution of Gaza’s governance structures, it becomes evident that the current blockade is neither an anomaly nor a purely security-driven construct. Rather, it represents the latest iteration of spatial containment, institutionalized dependency, and economic restriction—techniques that have been continuously reconfigured across different political eras. These insights provide the foundation for analyzing the biopolitical and necropolitical logics that underpin Gaza’s status as a site of controlled existence, a theme further explored in subsequent sections.

2. Elucidating the necropolitical paradigm: Gaza as a laboratory of violence

The governance structures imposed on Gaza align with the theoretical model of necropolitics, wherein sovereign power is exercised not merely through direct violence but through the orchestration of structural conditions that expose populations to enduring states of precarity.Footnote 30 The blockade, movement restrictions, and targeted military operations function as interlocking mechanisms that regulate both life and death, demonstrating the extension of state control beyond conventional warfare into the domain of administrative and infrastructural oppression. These mechanisms reflect a broader system in which military and bureaucratic tools operate in tandem to sustain controlled deprivation, making Gaza a critical site for analyzing how necropolitical governance materializes in contemporary conflict zones.Footnote 31

The persistent surveillance, permit regimes, and intermittent military strikes establish Gaza as a space where sovereign power is enacted through the modulation of life-sustaining resources and exposure to targeted violence. Reports from human-rights organizations document the routine deployment of drone surveillance, predictive policing, and biometric monitoring, technologies first refined in Gaza and subsequently marketed abroad, which together construct an apparatus of perpetual oversight and constraint.Footnote 32 The blockade’s enforcement through calibrated air and artillery strikes on critical infrastructure—power plants, water-treatment facilities, and hospitals—reveals a calculated use of force designed to keep the population in a state of managed emergency rather than outright annihilation.Footnote 33 These conditions correspond to Mbembe’s notion of “living death,” where life is sustained only at the threshold of ruin; they also enact an epistemic violence that recasts such engineered precarity as a mere “development deficit,” masking settler-colonial domination beneath ostensibly neutral humanitarian metrics.Footnote 34

The permit regime, which regulates movement in and out of Gaza, serves as a central mechanism of necropolitical control, determining which individuals receive medical treatment, pursue education, or access economic opportunities.Footnote 35 This bureaucratic structure functions as an extension of biopolitical governance, wherein life-sustaining resources are regulated through administrative restrictions rather than outright physical force.Footnote 36 However, the frequent denial or prolonged processing of permits for medical emergencies demonstrates how these biopolitical measures transition into necropolitical governance, effectively controlling the conditions of survival.Footnote 37

The economic and infrastructural dimensions of the blockade further reinforce necropolitical subjugation. Restrictions on imports, including medical equipment, building materials, and food supplies, create conditions in which hospitals face shortages of essential medicines, homes remain in states of perpetual disrepair, and food insecurity is systematically engineered.Footnote 38 The classification of construction materials and medical supplies as “dual-use” items, which may theoretically serve both civilian and military purposes, has been used as a justification to impose severe import restrictions, despite evidence that such limitations primarily affect non-combatants.Footnote 39 This administrative control over resources transforms basic humanitarian needs into instruments of power, reinforcing an environment where economic stagnation and infrastructural decay become systemic features of governance rather than incidental consequences of conflict.Footnote 40

A significant aspect of Gaza’s necropolitical landscape is its function as a testing ground for advanced surveillance and military technologies. Reports from investigative organizations reveal that facial recognition systems, AI-based crowd monitoring, and predictive policing tools have been developed and refined through their deployment in Gaza.Footnote 41 These technologies are later marketed to international security agencies, reinforcing the notion that Gaza serves as a laboratory for experimental governance techniques, which are subsequently exported and integrated into global security frameworks.Footnote 42 The exportation of drone warfare strategies, biometric data collection, and border surveillance models developed in Gaza has been linked to similar applications in other conflict zones and urban security operations worldwide.Footnote 43

The psychological dimensions of sustained surveillance and the threat of targeted violence further contribute to necropolitical governance. Studies indicate that constant exposure to drone activity, unpredictable airstrikes, and movement restrictions exacerbates psychological trauma, contributing to heightened rates of anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).Footnote 44 The integration of psychological distress as an enduring feature of daily life in Gaza aligns with necropolitical power, as it perpetuates a state of collective fear, limiting the capacity for long-term stability or resistance. Furthermore, the disruption of family networks through movement restrictions and displacement systematically erodes communal resilience, reinforcing an environment where psychological and social disintegration function as tools of governance.Footnote 45

While the necropolitical model shows the systematic exposure of Gaza’s population to structural and physical violence, resistance and agency persist despite these constraints. Community-driven initiatives, including grassroots health clinics, informal educational programs, and digital advocacy campaigns, demonstrate how localized strategies of survival counteract imposed systems of deprivation.Footnote 46 The emergence of digital activism, cross-border solidarity networks, and alternative economic models reflects a counterforce to necropolitical control, wherein affected populations develop mechanisms of resilience and adaptation.Footnote 47 However, these efforts exist within structural limitations, underscoring that agency alone cannot dismantle the systemic conditions that sustain Gaza’s controlled existence.Footnote 48

The application of necropolitics in Gaza illustrates the fusion of military, bureaucratic, and economic mechanisms to enforce conditions of sustained deprivation. The blockade functions not only as a tangible restriction on movement and goods but also as an evolving model of experimental governance, where strategies of population control are tested, refined, and exported.Footnote 49 This understanding frames Gaza not merely as a humanitarian crisis but also as a paradigmatic example of how contemporary state power operates beyond conventional warfare, integrating economic strangulation, administrative regulation, and advanced surveillance into a singular apparatus of control.Footnote 50

The insights developed in this section provide the groundwork for analyzing how these necropolitical governance structures intersect with broader SDGs. The following section will examine how Gaza’s blockade actively obstructs key SDGs, including those related to hunger, healthcare, and governance, challenging global commitments to “leave no one behind.”Footnote 51

3. Interrogating Sustainable Development Goals under necropolitical stress

The intersection of necropolitical governance and sustainable development presents a fundamental contradiction. The blockade, targeted infrastructure destruction, and systematic deprivation in Gaza directly obstruct the realization of the United Nations SDGs, which aim to reduce inequality, promote health, and establish just institutions.Footnote 52 While the SDGs emphasize a universal commitment to “leave no one behind,” Gaza’s structural conditions expose the limitations of this framework when confronted with protracted military and economic subjugation. The enforcement of engineered scarcity, restrictions on healthcare access, and governance incapacitation transforms Gaza into a site where global development targets are rendered unattainable by design rather than incidental conflict conditions.Footnote 53

Development scorecards such as the SDG Index often translate settler-colonial domination into bland numerics, “food insecurity,” “institutional weakness,” and “healthcare gaps,” thereby stripping the violence of its political genealogy. Yet Gaza’s data are so stark that even these antiseptic indicators register systemic collapse: stunting rates double regional averages, hospital-bed density below crisis thresholds, and homicide-adjusted peace metrics in the bottom decile worldwide. The metrics’ inadequacy thus paradoxically underlines the siege’s necropolitical severity.

Food insecurity in Gaza is not an outcome of natural resource limitations or economic mismanagement, but rather a direct result of blockade—imposed import restrictions, agricultural de-development, and targeted destruction of food production infrastructure.Footnote 54 The categorization of agricultural inputs, such as fertilizers, irrigation systems, and essential farming equipment, as “dual-use” items subject to strict control has significantly constrained local food production.Footnote 55 The restricted maritime access to fishing zones, frequently adjusted under shifting security policies, has further contributed to economic instability and reduced protein availability.Footnote 56 Reports indicate that over 68% of households in Gaza experience food insecurity, with a significant portion of the population relying on humanitarian aid for sustenance.Footnote 57

The deliberate withholding of essential resources aligns with necropolitical governance, wherein sovereign power enforces conditions of sustained deprivation that exacerbate vulnerability without direct recourse to overt violence. The cyclical nature of military escalations that target agricultural zones, greenhouses, and food storage facilities further entrenches food insecurity, systematically undermining the capacity for self-sustenance. This framework exposes how SDG 2’s objective to eliminate hunger is rendered structurally unattainable in Gaza, as policies regulating food production and distribution are actively shaped to sustain dependence rather than autonomy.

The blockade’s impact on healthcare is twofold: restricting the supply of essential medicines and medical equipment while simultaneously curtailing the movement of patients requiring specialized treatment outside Gaza.Footnote 58 The classification of basic medical supplies, including chemotherapy drugs, anesthesia components, and diagnostic tools, as restricted items exacerbates mortality rates from treatable conditions.Footnote 59 Chronic shortages of antibiotics and pain management drugs further explain how administrative controls function as a tool of selective medical deprivation.Footnote 60

The permit system governing medical transfers institutionalizes delays, frequently resulting in life-threatening consequences for patients awaiting treatment in external medical facilities.Footnote 61 Data from humanitarian organizations reveal that hundreds of patient requests for medical transfers have been denied or delayed annually, with some people succumbing to preventable conditions while awaiting approvals.Footnote 62 These restrictions on medical access are not incidental but reflect a calculated governance model where healthcare access is contingent on external approvals, reinforcing Gaza’s dependence on humanitarian aid rather than autonomous medical infrastructure.

Beyond physical health, mental health outcomes in Gaza exhibit widespread deterioration due to chronic exposure to structural violence. Reports indicate heightened prevalence of PTSD, depression, and anxiety, particularly among children and adolescents subjected to continuous drone surveillance, airstrikes, and displacement.Footnote 63 The psychological toll of living under an unpredictable security apparatus, combined with the knowledge that essential services, including mental health support, are frequently unavailable, reinforces the broader necropolitical function of the blockade, which creates an environment where distress becomes a permanent condition.

The blockade systematically erodes institutional capacity, obstructing the development of stable governance mechanisms. Gaza’s legal and administrative functions remain fragmented, with local governing bodies facing severe financial and operational constraints due to external limitations on revenue generation, border restrictions, and the selective allocation of international aid.Footnote 64 The consequences of periodic destruction of administrative buildings, judicial institutions, and public-sector offices further limit governance efficacy, reinforcing a cycle in which state-building efforts are repeatedly set back by military escalations.Footnote 65

Beyond local governance challenges, Gaza’s status within international legal frameworks exposes contradictions in global enforcement mechanisms. Reports from the United Nations Human Rights Council bring out the difficulty of holding actors accountable for documented violations of international humanitarian law, including the targeting of civilian infrastructure and restrictions on essential resources.Footnote 66 The failure of legal mechanisms—such as the International Criminal Court (ICC) and United Nations Security Council sanctions—to effectively mitigate systematic violations demonstrates how global legal instruments remain selectively enforced.Footnote 67 These patterns reflect Mbembe’s argument that necropolitical sovereignty is maintained not only through direct acts of violence but also through the structural inability of affected populations to access mechanisms of legal recourse.Footnote 68

The structural barriers embedded within the blockade fundamentally contradict the SDGs’ universal promise of inclusion. While international organizations advocate for humanitarian assistance, these efforts frequently function as short-term relief mechanisms rather than systemic solutions. The reliance on selective aid distributions, rather than infrastructural rehabilitation or the lifting of economic constraints, reinforces a governance model that maintains dependency rather than building long-term stability. The arms trade, security collaborations, and selective diplomatic interventions that sustain Gaza’s controlled existence point out the limitations of global commitments to justice, development, and human rights.

Efforts to mitigate Gaza’s humanitarian crisis must confront not only the material conditions of deprivation but also the structural mechanisms that sustain them. While expanding food aid programs, facilitating medical supply chains, and increasing institutional funding are necessary, they do not address the blockade’s role in producing these crises. Sustainable solutions must extend beyond reactive humanitarian aid toward policies that actively dismantle the regulatory structures that sustain chronic deprivation. Without such measures, the SDGs remain aspirational in conflict zones like Gaza, where state-sanctioned restrictions on food, healthcare, and governance function as deliberate mechanisms of control rather than incidental barriers to development.

4. Mechanisms of systemic oppression: institutional, legal, and technological complexes

The blockade and surveillance regime imposed on Gaza is sustained through a nexus of legal frameworks, bureaucratic regulations, and technological enforcement mechanisms that institutionalize systemic oppression. These instruments of control operate at multiple levels, intertwining military orders, administrative restrictions, and digital surveillance technologies to regulate nearly every aspect of civilian life. This section examines how legal justifications, institutional structures, and technological tools function as pillars of necropolitical governance, sustaining Gaza’s status as a controlled, surveilled, and economically incapacitated entity.

The legal underpinnings of the blockade rest on a framework of military orders, emergency regulations, and international law’s selective application. Invocations of “national security” serve as the primary justification for imposing restrictions on the movement of goods and humans, yet these policies frequently exceed the scope of legitimate self-defense.Footnote 69 International legal instruments, such as the Fourth Geneva Convention, mandate the protection of civilian populations under occupation, yet enforcement mechanisms remain weak, allowing systemic rights violations to persist.Footnote 70

The permit system governing movement in and out of Gaza exemplifies the weaponization of legal structures. People seeking medical treatment, academic opportunities, or economic mobility must undergo an opaque approval process with no clear accountability mechanisms. Delays and denials are routinely justified under vague security concerns, despite the absence of procedural transparency. Legal loopholes permit indefinite restrictions on civilian movement without formal indictments or charges, reinforcing a governance model in which sovereign power dictates not only life within Gaza but also the ability to leave or access essential services.Footnote 71

Beyond legal frameworks, institutional mechanisms reinforce systemic oppression through bureaucratic governance, resource allocation strategies, and civil registries. The administration of the blockade involves a highly structured permit regime, regulating everything from medical referrals to the import of basic construction materials. The control of population registries, which dictates legal residency status and access to services, further entrenches a system in which administrative classification determines economic viability and physical mobility.Footnote 72

Institutional oversight also extends to food distribution, employment approvals, and trade licenses, which are selectively granted or withheld based on external security evaluations.Footnote 73 Import restrictions on agricultural and industrial materials stifle local economic development, ensuring that Gaza remains dependent on externally controlled aid distributions rather than sustainable domestic production.Footnote 74 This institutional structure transforms economic deprivation into a systemic feature rather than a circumstantial consequence of conflict.

The integration of advanced surveillance technologies into the blockade’s enforcement mechanisms has further solidified Gaza’s status as a digitally monitored enclave. Biometric data collection, drone surveillance, and AI-based predictive policing form a comprehensive apparatus of real-time population control.Footnote 75 Facial recognition software installed at border crossings and checkpoints automates the identification and tracking of individuals, reinforcing an algorithmic security regime that determines access based on digital profiling.Footnote 76

The exportation of these surveillance techniques to other jurisdictions accentuates the argument that Gaza functions as a laboratory for military-industrial experimentation. Reports indicate that drones originally tested in Gaza for crowd monitoring and aerial surveillance have been deployed in urban policing initiatives globally.Footnote 77 The commercialization of biometric and AI-driven monitoring technologies, first refined under blockade conditions, reinforces the global proliferation of digital policing models rooted in necropolitical governance.

Despite extensive documentation of human rights violations, accountability mechanisms remain largely ineffective due to geopolitical interests, diplomatic barriers, and the selective enforcement of international law. Reports from United Nations agencies, nongovernmental organizations, and legal advocacy groups have extensively documented the blockade’s impact on civilian life, yet prosecutions for potential violations of humanitarian law remain rare.Footnote 78 The ICC faces jurisdictional limitations, and the United Nations Security Council’s responses are frequently constrained by political alignments that prevent substantive action.

NGO reports indicate that existing human rights mechanisms, including the United Nations Human Rights Council and the International Court of Justice, face significant political limitations in enforcing resolutions related to military actions, movement restrictions, and resource blockades.Footnote 79 The economic interests of arms manufacturers, security contractors, and surveillance technology firms further reinforce a system in which financial incentives align with the maintenance of systemic oppression.Footnote 80

The legal justifications for the blockade, the institutional mechanisms regulating daily life, and the technological infrastructure of surveillance converge to sustain Gaza’s status as an enclosed, controlled space. The use of permit regimes, resource restrictions, and biometric monitoring transforms governance into a comprehensive apparatus of necropolitical power, in which sovereignty is exercised through administrative barriers and digital surveillance rather than direct military rule.

These enforcement structures extend beyond Gaza, as the strategies of surveillance, containment, and economic restriction are exported to other geopolitical contexts. Addressing the blockade’s systemic dimensions requires not only humanitarian interventions but also a fundamental challenge to the legal, institutional, and technological frameworks that sustain its existence. The following section will examine how these systemic controls shape everyday life in Gaza, reinforcing sociocultural vulnerabilities while simultaneously giving rise to grassroots resistance and adaptive survival strategies.

5. Sociocultural and psychological repercussions: chronic vulnerability and collective resistance

The institutional and technological mechanisms of control previously examined do not merely shape the structural conditions of Gaza’s blockade; they fundamentally transform social dynamics, cultural resilience, and psychological well-being. Under prolonged siege, daily life is dictated by pervasive uncertainty, economic stagnation, and the ever-present specter of military escalation.Footnote 81 This environment raises chronic insecurity, erodes social cohesion, and generates intergenerational psychological distress. However, within these constraints, grassroots initiatives, digital activism, and transnational solidarity efforts have emerged as vital mechanisms of resistance. This section examines the psychosocial dimensions of necropolitical governance, the adaptive strategies deployed by local communities, and the broader implications of resistance in comparable conflict zones.

The blockade’s material restrictions and surveillance apparatus extend into every aspect of social life, generating an atmosphere where normalcy is perpetually disrupted by economic hardship and military threat. Gaza’s unemployment rate remains one of the highest in the world, surpassing 40% in some demographic segments, with youth employment particularly affected.Footnote 82 Limited access to external labor markets, compounded by restrictions on raw materials and manufacturing imports, ensures that economic stagnation is not incidental but structurally enforced.Footnote 83 The result is a society in which financial precarity undermines long-term stability, disrupting family structures and reducing opportunities for social mobility.Footnote 84

Education, a cornerstone of social advancement, is similarly constrained. Repeated military escalations have targeted schools and universities, leading to disruptions in learning, physical damage to educational institutions, and psychological trauma among students.Footnote 85 In conflict-affected areas, children often struggle with concentration, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress, inhibiting their ability to fully engage with education.Footnote 86 This structural uncertainty, where schooling is frequently interrupted by power cuts, infrastructure destruction, and ongoing surveillance, perpetuates a cycle in which educational development is hindered by the broader conditions of necropolitical governance.Footnote 87

The psychological toll of persistent insecurity manifests in elevated rates of anxiety, depression, and PTSD, particularly among children and adolescents. Studies conducted in Gaza reveal that the constant presence of drone surveillance, periodic bombings, and displacement contribute to pervasive trauma that is interwoven with daily existence.Footnote 88 Mental health professionals working within the region highlight severe resource shortages, irregular funding, and limited institutional support, exacerbating the inability to provide adequate care to those in need.Footnote 89 Within this reality, the blockade functions not only as a material constraint but also as an instrument of psychological and emotional debilitation.

Despite these structural constraints, localized forms of resilience and resistance have emerged to mitigate the effects of the blockade. Community-based organizations in Gaza provide alternative economic opportunities, agricultural self-sufficiency programs, and informal educational initiatives.Footnote 90 For instance, local farmers’ cooperatives have sought to sustain food production despite import restrictions, employing adaptive irrigation techniques and resource-sharing models to counteract engineered scarcity.Footnote 91 Similarly, small-scale vocational training programs offer alternative employment pathways, aiming to reduce dependency on restricted external labor markets.Footnote 92

Informal networks also play a key role in sustaining social cohesion. Reports indicate that families engage in collective food-sharing practices and mutual aid systems to counteract economic deprivation.Footnote 93 In neighborhood-based reconstruction efforts, residents have organized the rebuilding of damaged homes and infrastructure using locally sourced materials, reflecting bottom-up approaches to survival amid systemic hardship.Footnote 94 These acts of everyday resistance illustrate that agency persists even in conditions of extreme structural repression.

The blockade’s surveillance infrastructure and restricted mobility have not entirely prevented Gaza’s engagement with international networks of advocacy and activism. Digital platforms have enabled local activists to document human rights violations, raise awareness, and mobilize global solidarity movements. Reports indicate that social media campaigns pointing out the humanitarian impact of the blockade have gained traction across international audiences, developing alliances between Gaza-based activists and transnational advocacy groups.Footnote 95

The proliferation of online journalism, documentary filmmaking, and digital storytelling initiatives has also countered dominant narratives that frame Gaza solely through the lens of victimhood.Footnote 96 Instead, these platforms offer alternative representations of life under blockade, emphasizing resilience, cultural production, and political resistance.Footnote 97 Such digital interventions not only challenge mainstream media portrayals but also serve as tools for advocacy in legal and policy forums.

The conditions in Gaza align with broader patterns of necropolitical governance observed in other historical and contemporary conflict zones. The use of biometric surveillance, restricted mobility, and administrative violence has been noted in other contested territories where state power is exercised through regulatory and technological means rather than direct military occupation. Comparisons have been drawn to security policies in occupied territories, militarized border regimes, and refugee encampments, where populations are subjected to controlled movement, engineered economic deprivation, and surveillance-heavy governance models.Footnote 98

In these contexts, similar modes of community resistance emerge, ranging from informal economic networks to cross-border solidarity movements, underscoring that local agency persists even within conditions of state-sanctioned repression.Footnote 99 Examining Gaza within this comparative framework underlines the broader global implications of necropolitical governance, where experimental security techniques trailed in one location inform policies elsewhere.

The impact of the blockade is not uniformly distributed across all demographics, as gender, class, and refugee status intersect with economic and mobility restrictions to produce differentiated experiences of hardship and resistance. Reports indicate that female-led households face heightened vulnerability due to employment barriers and childcare responsibilities, while at the same time, women’s organizations in Gaza have emerged as central actors in social welfare and humanitarian relief efforts.Footnote 100

Youth populations, particularly those who have grown up under blockade conditions, also face unique challenges of restricted mobility and educational disruptions. However, youth-led technology initiatives, cultural collectives, and digital entrepreneurship efforts have attempted to carve out spaces of economic and creative agency within a structurally constrained environment.Footnote 101 These alternative avenues of economic participation and cultural expression represent ongoing efforts to reclaim autonomy despite external restrictions.

The blockade’s effects on social cohesion, mental health, and economic participation illustrate the far-reaching consequences of necropolitical governance, where power is exercised not solely through overt violence but also through regulatory mechanisms that enforce systemic dependency and vulnerability. Yet, within these constraints, localized resistance efforts persist through adaptive economic practices, grassroots activism, and cross-border digital solidarity movements.

6. Rethinking sovereignty, accountability, and global justice: policy and ethical considerations

The mechanisms of systemic control and sociocultural repercussions examined in previous sections reinforce broader concerns regarding state sovereignty, the efficacy of international legal frameworks, and the role of global governance in conflict regulation. The Gaza blockade exemplifies a necropolitical reconfiguration of sovereignty, where state power is exercised not only through military action but also through the sustained administration of deprivation and selective access to life-sustaining resources. This model of governance raises fundamental ethical and legal questions regarding the limits of state authority, the responsibilities of international actors, and the failures of accountability mechanisms in preventing protracted humanitarian crises.

This section critically examines the tensions between national security claims and universal human rights obligations, the global arms trade’s complicity in sustaining necropolitical regimes, and the structural deficiencies of existing international accountability mechanisms. Finally, it considers the possibilities for policy reform, transnational advocacy, and ethical imperatives aimed at dismantling the structural underpinnings of the blockade.

The concept of sovereignty traditionally implies a state’s absolute authority over its internal affairs, including border control, governance, and security operations. However, in necropolitical regimes such as Gaza, sovereignty extends beyond territorial management to include the regulation of life and death itself. Gaza’s status as an enclosed, surveilled, and militarized space illustrates how sovereignty can be exercised through the imposition of extreme living conditions rather than direct occupation. The designation of Gaza as a “hostile entity” has justified restrictions on mobility, trade, and access to essential services under the rationale of national security, yet these measures systematically produce humanitarian crises rather than resolving security concerns.Footnote 102

The blockade challenges conventional interpretations of international law, particularly regarding collective punishment and the proportionality of security measures. The Fourth Geneva Convention (1949) prohibits the use of collective penalties on civilian populations, yet the blockade’s structure, restricting access to food, medicine, and energy, has been widely criticized as a form of sustained collective punishment.Footnote 103 The concept of “permissible security measures” becomes ambiguous when security justifications are used to sustain a regime of indefinite humanitarian deprivation.Footnote 104

This reconfiguration of sovereignty aligns with broader trends in militarized border governance and surveillance-heavy security doctrines. Comparative analyses indicate that techniques refined in Gaza, including biometric tracking and AI-based predictive policing, have influenced global border control policies.Footnote 105 The export of these methods shows that necropolitical sovereignty is not confined to isolated conflict zones but has broader implications for how states regulate populations perceived as security threats.

A critical factor sustaining the blockade and its necropolitical governance model is the global arms trade, which facilitates the flow of military technologies, surveillance tools, and enforcement mechanisms that reinforce systemic control.Footnote 106 The commercialization of drone warfare, AI-based border surveillance, and biometric tracking technologies initially tested in Gaza has generated economic incentives that entrench the blockade’s security infrastructure rather than dismantle it.

Investigative reports indicate that arms and defense technology contracts between key state actors sustain the economic viability of surveillance-driven security regimes.Footnote 107 The marketing of military equipment and intelligence-gathering tools as “combat-proven” in Gaza has expanded their deployment in other regions, including urban policing, counterterrorism operations, and border security initiatives.Footnote 108 This commercialized cycle of necropolitical governance transforms Gaza into a site of both humanitarian crisis and economic opportunity for security contractors, reinforcing global complicity in perpetuating siege conditions.

Legislative efforts aimed at curbing arms sales to conflict zones have faced repeated political obstacles, often due to geopolitical alliances and strategic partnerships between arms-exporting states and client governments. While calls for arms embargoes and export restrictions have been raised in the United Nations and European Parliament, enforcement mechanisms remain selective and inconsistently applied.Footnote 109 This disconnect between legal frameworks and economic interests reflects a broader failure of global governance mechanisms to uphold principles of human rights when weighed against strategic security agreements.

Addressing the structural conditions of the blockade requires a paradigm shift in international policy and governance, moving beyond reactive humanitarian aid to proactive structural reforms. This includes the following:

  1. 1. Strengthening International Law Enforcement Mechanisms

    • Enhancing the jurisdictional capacity of the ICC and related bodies to investigate and prosecute systemic human rights violations in prolonged conflict zones.

    • Revising SDG monitoring tools so that colonial domination, blockade-imposed dependency, and enforced underdevelopment are weighted as structural indicators, rather than dismissed as anomalous “conflict variables,” thereby foregrounding accountability for siege governance.

    • Closing loopholes that allow military actions and siege tactics to be justified under broad national security exemptions, given that “Israel’s closure policy on Gaza is routinely defended on grounds of national security, yet it often appears disproportionate, constituting ‘collective punishment’ in violation of international law.”Footnote 110

    • Expanding independent oversight mechanisms to monitor and document the use of military technologies exported from conflict zones for global security applications.

  2. 2. Restricting the Global Arms Trade’s Role in Conflict Perpetuation

    • Implementing comprehensive arms embargoes and stricter export controls on military equipment used to enforce protracted blockades.

    • Enhancing transparency in international arms deals to expose financial interests that sustain militarized governance structures.

    • Holding corporate entities accountable for human rights violations associated with security technologies exported to conflict zones.

  3. 3. Empowering Local Civil Society in Global Policymaking

    • Integrating grassroots organizations, humanitarian agencies, and local governance actors into diplomatic negotiations.

    • Establishing legal pathways for direct representation of conflict-affected communities in international legal forums.

    • Expanding funding for independent human rights monitoring organizations to document systemic abuses and advocate for policy interventions.

Beyond legal and policy measures, the ethical dimension of governance in Gaza raises urgent questions about the role of the international community in sustaining or dismantling necropolitical regimes. The repeated failure to hold actors accountable for systemic rights violations reflects a crisis in global governance, where humanitarian obligations are routinely subordinated to strategic and economic interests.Footnote 111

A critical shift in policy must include the following:

  • Reframing the “Responsibility to Protect” Doctrine to apply not only to cases of genocide or state collapse but also to prolonged humanitarian crises engineered through systematic deprivation. Any blockade measures that amount to collective punishment of a civilian population are explicitly outlawed.Footnote 112

  • Challenging the normalization of siege governance and militarized containment policies as acceptable tools of statecraft.

  • Holding international financial institutions accountable for funding reconstruction efforts without addressing the root causes of economic strangulation.

Gaza’s blockade reveals the failures of international legal mechanisms, the entrenchment of economic interests in necropolitical governance, and the limitations of traditional sovereignty concepts when applied to protracted conflicts. Addressing these issues requires not only policy shifts but also a fundamental rethinking of how global institutions enforce human rights norms in conflict zones.

7. Toward substantive change and future trajectories

The foregoing analysis of sovereignty, arms flows, and international inaction demonstrates that Gaza’s blockade is not an episodic emergency but also a durable necropolitical order that systematically nullifies fundamental rights while sabotaging developmental aspirations. Administrative regulation, calibrated military force, and a transnational security market converge to manufacture chronic precarity, thwarting SDGs, specifically SDG 2 (Zero Hunger), SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-Being), and SDG 16 (Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions). Yet the very fact that these colonially derived indicators still register Gaza’s collapse reveals both the magnitude of the crisis and the limitations of a development rubric that brackets settler-colonial domination as mere “context.”

Rectifying this condition, therefore, demands more than humanitarian stopgaps; it requires dismantling the political economy of blockade and the epistemic regimes that naturalize it. Decolonizing development metrics is one imperative: SDG monitoring tools must weight colonial domination and enforced dependency as structural indicators rather than treating them as anomalous conflict variables, thereby making siege governance legible to international accountability mechanisms. Equally urgent is the curtailment of the siege economy by tightening arms-export controls, closing dual-use loopholes, and imposing due-diligence obligations on corporations whose “combat-proven” surveillance platforms are marketable precisely because they have been refined in Gaza. Parallel to these top-down measures, community-led recovery initiatives must be prioritized. Channels that empower local education hubs, psychosocial networks, and agro-cooperatives, and insulate aid distribution from restrictive permit bottlenecks, offer the most credible path toward rebuilding social resilience under conditions of structural constraint.

Future scholarship and policy engagement should extend this decolonial-necropolitical lens to other protracted conflict zones such as Kashmir, northern Syria, or southern Yemen. A comparative study will deepen the theoretical understanding of siege governance and inform more robust intervention models for forums such as the ICC and UNHRC. Interdisciplinary collaboration across law, political economy, and public health remains essential for capturing the full spectrum of harm and stress-testing restorative policies.

Ultimately, treating Gaza as a technical “development deficit” perpetuates the very logic of domination that sustains the blockade. Substantive change hinges on recognizing Palestinian self-determination as the precondition for genuine progress and on dismantling the interlocking architectures of surveillance, collective punishment, and commercial profit. Only through such structural redress can international law and moral responsibility converge to end the politics of managed emergency and open a path toward a just and sustainable peace.

Author contribution

Writing - review & editing: F.T., B.A.; Writing assistance: M.R.; Conceptualization and writing: T.A.M.

Conflicts of interest

The authors declare no competing interests.

Footnotes

1 B’Tselem 2017; Human Rights Watch 2021; OCHA 2022.

2 The notion of necropolitics, or necropower, accounts for the various ways in which, in our contemporary world, weapons are deployed in the interest of maximally destroying persons and creating death worlds (Mbembe Reference Mbembe and Corcoran2019, 93).

3 UNRWA 2019.

4 Amnesty International 2021.

5 United Nations Human Rights Council 2021.

6 As post-development and decolonial scholars remind us, “development” itself was conceived within colonial epistemologies that normalize the very hierarchies underpinning Gaza’s subjugation (Escobar Reference Escobar1995; Ndlovu-Gatsheni Reference Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Ndlovu2021; Ziai Reference Ziai2016). Evaluating Gaza through SDG indicators, therefore, risks reinscribing a metric that presumes sovereign control, stable institutions, and market-driven growth, conditions structurally foreclosed by settler-colonial domination and necropolitical governance. Acknowledging this contradiction, the present study leverages SDG data not as a neutral yardstick of progress but as evidence of the framework’s limits: even its sanitized benchmarks expose catastrophic deprivation when applied to Gaza, thereby illuminating, rather than obscuring, the political economy of siege.

7 Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics 2020; WHO 2021.

8 OCHA 2021.

9 The research adheres to ethical considerations by relying on verified secondary sources rather than primary interviews with affected people, mitigating risks associated with research on conflict zones. In total, 86 NGO and human-rights reports produced between 2015 and 2024 were imported into NVivo 14 and coded inductively for recurring themes, resource deprivation, mobility restriction, infrastructure targeting, and psychosocial impacts, using Braun and Clarke’s Reference Braun and Clarke2006 reflexive thematic analysis protocol. Two researchers independently coded 30% of the corpus; intercoder reliability averaged κ = 0.86, after which discrepancies were reconciled and the full dataset finalized. Quantitative indicators released by UN OCHA, WHO, World Food Programme (WFP), and the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics for the same period were extracted into Stata 18. Variables such as hospital-bed availability, severe-malnutrition prevalence, and civilian-casualty counts were time-stamped by quarter and normalized to mid-year population estimates to enable direct comparison. Triangulation overlaid thematic-salience curves with quantitative inflection points; convergence was deemed robust when narrative peaks coincided with ≥10% shifts in the aligned indicator. All figures were cross-checked against publisher dashboards for subsequent revisions. Reliance on publicly available data mitigates field-work risk but inherits reporting lags and potential political framing—limitations acknowledged in the Discussion.

10 Foucault argues that modern power no longer rests on the right to kill but on the regulation and optimization of life itself, “biopower.” Modernity begins when politics directly manages human existence, making life itself the object of power and calculation (Foucault Reference Foucault and Hurley1978).

12 Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War (Fourth Geneva Convention) 1949.

13 United Nations Human Rights Council 2020.

14 Amnesty reports bring independent investigative depth, legal categorization of violations (e.g., apartheid and genocide), and advocacy pressure—crucial for interpreting violations against international law and mobilizing accountability (Amnesty International 2021).

15 UNCTAD 2020.

16 These UNRWA and UNCTAD data are important for the research because they provide first-hand, credible documentation of the humanitarian impact in Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. They offer quantitative evidence of displacement, restricted access, and emergency needs, which helps ground theoretical or political analysis in verifiable facts. By including such reports, the research ensures accuracy, timeliness, and legitimacy, especially when examining the intersections of conflict, population control, and humanitarian response (United Nations Human Rights Council 2021; UNRWA 2019).

17 UNRWA 2020.

18 UNRWA 2020.

19 UNRWA 2019, chap. 1.4.

20 The restrictions on movement and the uncertainty they generate also bear implications for the Palestinian economy and its development potential (B’Tselem 2017).

21 According to OCHA, there were many unstaffed physical obstacles along West Bank roads, including dirt mounds, concrete blocks, and fenced-off segments (OCHA 2021).

22 United Nations Security Council 2009.

23 UNRWA 2019.

25 B’Tselem 2024.

26 FAO 2020.

27 Amnesty International 2021.

28 UNCTAD 2020.

29 These Amnesty International reports situate the Palestinian occupation within theoretical frameworks of necropolitics and colonialism, showing how sovereignty is justified through sacred narratives and enforced through spatial control and violence. It strengthens this article by linking abstract theory (Fanon, Mbembe, biopolitics/necropolitics) with the concrete reality of occupation in Gaza and the West Bank.

31 Late modern colonial occupation, as in Palestine, fuses disciplinary, biopolitical, and necropolitical power. Sovereignty is grounded in competing sacred narratives, enforced through territorial fragmentation, apartheid-like separation, and colonial violence that binds identity to land and history.

32 Amnesty International 2021.

33 Human Rights Watch 2021.

35 Permit regimes governing exit, treatment referral, and work have been repeatedly documented as administratively restrictive, with approval rates varying sharply by category and year (B’Tselem 2017).

37 WHO 2021.

38 FAO 2020; WHO 2021.

39 “Dual use” is an export-control classification that, as applied to Gaza, has encompassed construction materials and critical medical equipment, constraining reconstruction and care delivery (Human Rights Watch 2021).

40 Household food-insecurity rates derive from WFP/FAO surveys; prevalence depends on survey year and severity thresholds (mild/moderate/severe). Methodological details are set out in the WFP’s 2021 Food Security Assessment.

41 Amnesty International 2021.

42 Arab Centre, Washington, DC 2024.

43 Here, “laboratory of violence” denotes Gaza’s function as a proving ground in which surveillance, enclosure, and kinetic techniques are trialed prior to wider commercialization and policy diffusion (Amnesty International 2021; UNCTAD 2020).

44 WHO 2021.

45 Prevalence figures for anxiety, depression, and PTSD in Gaza rely on clinic-based and household surveys employing varying instruments; WHO (2021) details instruments, sampling frames, and attendant limitations.

46 Amnesty International 2021.

47 OCHA 2021.

48 Human Rights Watch 2021.

49 UNCTAD 2020.

50 Multiple investigations trace the commercialization of surveillance and weapons systems honed in Gaza to subsequent export markets. Causal attribution is often indirect, but the pattern is well attested (Amnesty International 2021; UNCTAD 2020).

51 United Nations Human Rights Council 2021.

52 United Nations Human Rights Council 2021.

53 UNRWA 2020.

54 FAO 2020.

55 “Dual use” refers to goods that have both civilian and potential military applications (The Business Standard 2023).

56 Amnesty International 2021.

57 WFP 2021.

58 WHO 2021.

59 B’Tselem 2017.

60 The HRW 2021 report is significant as it reframes Israel’s policies toward Palestinians through the lens of international law, providing key evidence and discourse for scholarly analysis.

61 WHO 2021.

62 OCHA 2021.

63 WHO 2021.

64 OCHA 2021.

65 Human Rights Watch 2021.

66 United Nations Human Rights Council 2021.

67 Amnesty International 2021.

68 Systematic colonial occupation operates as a form of necropolitics by using space—through fragmentation, surveillance, and territorial control—to enforce domination, regulate movement, and determine which lives are disposable, with examples from South African apartheid and the Israeli occupation of Palestine (Mbembe Reference Mbembe and Corcoran2019, 79–81).

69 Human Rights Watch 2021.

70 ICRC 1949; United Nations Human Rights Council 2021.

71 B’Tselem 2017; OCHA 2021; WHO 2021.

72 B’Tselem 2017; Human Rights Watch 2021.

73 FAO 2020.

74 UNCTAD 2020.

75 Amnesty International 2021.

76 UNCTAD 2020.

77 Human Rights Watch 2021.

78 United Nations Human Rights Council 2021.

79 Human Rights Watch 2021.

80 UNCTAD 2020.

81 B’Tselem 2017.

82 Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics 2020.

83 UNCTAD 2020.

84 Unemployment estimates are drawn from PCBS series; quarterly volatility and treatment of informal labor affect point estimates (Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics 2020).

85 UNRWA 2020.

86 WHO 2021.

87 OCHA 2021.

88 WHO 2021.

89 B’Tselem 2022.

90 FAO 2020.

91 Amnesty International 2021.

92 UNRWA 2020.

93 OCHA 2021.

94 Human Rights Watch 2021.

95 Amnesty International 2021; Human Rights Watch 2021.

96 B’Tselem 2017.

97 UNRWA 2020.

98 UNCTAD 2020.

99 Human Rights Watch 2021.

100 Gender-disaggregated impacts are documented by UNRWA and allied NGOs; women’s organizations in Gaza deliver frontline social protection under siege conditions (B’Tselem 2017).

101 UNRWA 2020.

102 Human Rights Watch 2021; United Nations Security Council 2009.

103 United Nations Human Rights Council 2021.

104 Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits collective penalties against protected persons. Whether specific blockade measures meet that threshold remains contested (ICRC 1949, Article 33; United Nations Human Rights Council 2021).

105 Amnesty International 2021.

106 Human Rights Watch 2021.

107 UNCTAD 2020.

108 B’Tselem 2017.

109 Human Rights Watch 2021; United Nations Human Rights Council 2021.

110 The report argues that manufacturing a humanitarian crisis in Gaza is a form of intentional state policy amounting to war crimes (B’Tselem 2023).

111 United Nations Human Rights Council 2021.

112 The Responsibility to Protect doctrine has been framed around imminent mass-atrocity prevention; its extension to chronic deprivation is debated in international-law scholarship (ICC; UNHRC 2021) (ICRC 1949, Article 33).

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