Introduction
This article examines the experiences of social participation among older people in Chile who are members of Indigenous, migrant and/or disability social groups. Discourses concerning social participation have taken on increased importance in current ageing models and social policies, whether in Chile (García et al. Reference García, López Huenante, Silva, Bustamante, León, Silva, Baeza, Chandía and Gamonal2024), in the Americas (Organización de los Estados Americanos 2015) or on an international scale (World Health Organization 2002). In terms of policy, social participation positions older people as citizens and subjects with rights, whose activities and commitments are fundamental components of the social fabric (Organización de los Estados Americanos 2015). Substantial evidence supports the importance granted to social participation in ageing policy, given its benefits for social and emotional wellbeing (Mikkelsen et al. Reference Mikkelsen, Petersen, Dragsted and Kristiansen2019), continued cognitive function (Anatürk et al. Reference Anatürk, Demnitz, Ebmeier and Sexton2018; Kelly et al. Reference Kelly, Duff, Kelly, McHugh Power, Brennan, Lawlor and Loughrey2017) and overall quality of life (Huang et al. Reference Huang, Liu and Bo2019) of older people, among many other benefits. However, studies of older people’s experiences of social participation in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are few and far between, especially regarding members of minority groups (Raymond et al. Reference Raymond, Carrasco, Rodriguez, Gallardo, Gonzálvez, Osorio and Caro2023).
Moreover, despite the recognition that people experience ageing under different conditions (World Health Organization 2024) and the existence of approaches that focus on cumulative inequalities over the lifecourse (Crystal et al. Reference Crystal, sShea and Reyes2017; Dannefer and Settersten Reference Dannefer, Settersten, Dannefer and Phillipson2010), research on ageing has remained primarily anchored to a perspective whereby diversity is often poorly represented in study design, sampling and analysis (Westwood Reference Westwood2019). Recognizing the diversity of ageing trajectories and conditions is a key challenge for contemporary social gerontology. There is a need not merely to describe this diversity but also to understand that difference – and perceived difference – can give rise to oppression and marginalization (British Association of Social Workers 2021). To meet this challenge, there is a pressing need to develop a more comprehensive understanding of how a diverse range of older people experience social participation in Chile and investigate the barriers they face in accessing and being included in the spaces where they choose to participate.
Ageing in Chile: prevalent social inequalities
The fieldwork outlined in this study was conducted in Chile from October 2019 to March 2020 against a background of significant socio-political tension and socio-cultural change in the country. The event known as the ‘social uprising’ (estallido social) was among the most consequential events of social and political upheaval in Chile since the end of the dictatorship in 1990 (Heiss Reference Heiss2020), with a series of demonstrations and protests spreading throughout the country from 18 October 2019. Understanding these events requires contextualizing them within Chilean society, which has been marked by profound social, political and economic inequalities, as well as poor access to basic services for much of the population (González Reference González2020). The pent-up social dissatisfaction that erupted in 2019 brought four key issues to the forefront of public concern: public transit, education, health and pensions (González Reference González2020). A central demand was the restructuring of the social security programme (Barría Reference Barría2019), specifically to eliminate the pension system based on individual capitalization that operates in Chile through the Pension Fund Administrators (AFPs). This system, created in 1981 to replace a pay-as-you-go programme (Silva Reference Silva2019), is based on mandatory contributions from people’s wages throughout their working lives, generating individual savings administered by the AFPs. Protesters decried the system for perpetuating social inequalities.
In fact, high levels of inequality and multi-dimensional povertyFootnote 1 among older people, as well as discrimination, exclusion and abuse directed at them, are well-documented in Chile (Asociación de municipalidades en Chile 2022; Observatorio de Desarrollo Social 2023; Ortega Reference Ortega2018; Thumala et al. Reference Thumala, Kennedy, Calvo, Gonzalez Billault, Lillo, Roque Villagra, Ibáñez, Assar, Andrade and Slachevsky2017). However, information on the social conditions of specific subpopulations of older people is lacking. For instance, regarding the three groups considered in this article, the available data are limited. We know that 22.2 per cent of the older population (aged 60 and over) experienced dependencyFootnote 2 in 2022, of whom 5.5 per cent were experiencing a mild level of dependency, 8.7 per cent a moderate level and 8.0 per cent a severe level (Ministerio de Desarrollo Social y Familia et al. 2023). In terms of immigration, Chile had 1,736,691 residents born outside of the country in 2022, representing 8.7 per cent of the population (Observatorio de Desarrollo Social 2023). Of these newcomers, 5.7 per cent were aged 60 and over, totalling almost 100,000 older people (Servicio Jesuita a Migrantes 2025). The five main countries of origin of migrants of all ages were Venezuela, Peru, Haiti, Colombia and Bolivia. Finally, 12.8 per cent of the Chilean population belongs to an Indigenous group or nation, representing 2,185,732 people throughout the national territory (Ministerio de Salud 2018). However, neither the Sixth National Survey on the Social Inclusion and Exclusion of Older Persons (Arnold et al. Reference Arnold, Herrera, Massad and Thumala2021) nor the Sixth National Survey on the Quality of Life in Old Age (Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile 2022) has addressed these situations from the perspective of how disability, Indigenous affiliation or migrant background may intersect with older people’s experiences of social exclusion or quality of life, both of which are intrinsically linked to social participation (O’Donnell et al. Reference O’Donnell, O’Donovan and Elmusharaf2018).
Social participation and ageing
Empirical evidence regarding how social participation is framed and experienced within each of the groups addressed can be found in LAC, as shown in a recent literature review (Raymond et al. Reference Raymond, Carrasco, Rodriguez, Gallardo, Gonzálvez, Osorio and Caro2023).
First, regarding disability and social participation in old age, although studies have noted the wide range of ageing paths and conditions in both Brazil and Mexico (Rodrigues et al. Reference Rodrigues, Girardi, Colussi, de Oliveira and de Moura2015; Sánchez and Chávez Reference Sánchez and Chávez2016), research often focuses on deterioration and decline, with older people with disabilities viewed as vulnerable in Mexico and Colombia (Arroyo and Salas Reference Arroyo, Salas and de Oca2014; Castellanos Soriano and López Reference Castellanos Soriano and López2010). They are portrayed as having no prospects beyond dependence and the resulting loss of social status, with no prospect for recovering autonomy (Arroyo Reference Arroyo2011; Castellanos Soriano and López Reference Castellanos Soriano and López2010; Castillo et al. Reference Castillo, Gómez de Regil, Marrufo and de Oca2017). Regarding practices to mitigate the detrimental effects of disability (Velásquez et al. Reference Velásquez, López, López and Cataño2011), spiritual activities (Castellanos Soriano and López Reference Castellanos and López2013) and the presence of community and family networks (Gallardo and Paéz Reference Gallardo and Paéz2020) are cited in Colombian and Chilean scientific literature. Despite research showing how socio-economic factors, education and gender relations influence the prevalence of disability among older people in Chile and Brazil (Albala et al. Reference Albala, Sánchez, Lera, Angel and Cea2011; Fuentes et al. Reference Fuentes, Sánchez, Lera, Cea and Albala2013; Rodrigues et al. Reference Rodrigues, Girardi, Colussi, de Oliveira and de Moura2015), disability is still often viewed as a medical condition specific to the individual that practically annihilates the potential for social participation.
Second, a small body of literature exists on migration, old age and social participation in LAC. Some studies focus on why and how older migrants from Brazil maintain the cultural practices of their country of origin (Iorio and Lopes Reference Iorio and Lopes2013; Kunz et al. Reference Kunz, Juarez and Pissaia2020) and the ambivalence they feel about identifying with the culture of their country of adoption (Iorio and Lopes Reference Iorio and Lopes2013). Other studies examine the social and familial impacts of returning to their country of origin for Mexican older migrants (Ávila and Torres Reference Ávila and Torres2013). Still other studies have investigated experiences of discrimination and solidarity-related practices among older migrants in Costa Rica (Masís Reference Masís2019). The care-giving roles of older women who migrate with their extended families, such as those from Mexico to the United States, are also addressed in this area, revealing both social pressures and forms of emancipation embedded in these roles (Díaz and Marroni Reference Díaz and Marroni2017).
Third, studies on ageing and social participation among members of Indigenous communities in LAC prioritize structural factors over individual trajectories. The worldviews of older Zoques in Mexico (Reyes and Villasana Reference Reyes and Villasana2010) and the roles of older people in the Kamëntsa and Inga communities of Colombia, the Mbyá Guaraní communities of Brazil, the Mapuche communities of Chile and the Aymara communities of Bolivia (García et al. Reference García, García and Curcio2020; Marques et al. Reference Marques, Marques, Vizzotto and Bonfim2015; Servicio Nacional del Adulto Mayor 2015; Zerda Reference Zerda2019) have been foregrounded to understand how they experience social participation. Studies have also examined the socio-economic (Paredes et al. Reference Paredes, Revelo and Aguirre2018) and territorial inequalities experienced by this segment of the population (Gallardo et al. Reference Gallardo, Sánchez, López and Arias2016, Reference Gallardo, Sánchez and Rodríguez2018; Waters and Gallegos Reference Waters and Gallegos2014) in Chile and Ecuador, respectively. Specifically, it has been noted that Indigenous people living in remote rural areas have limited access to health services and fewer opportunities for social participation, increasing their odds of experiencing mental and physical health problems (Gallardo et al. Reference Gallardo, Sánchez, López and Arias2016, Reference Gallardo, Sánchez and Rodríguez2018; Waters and Gallegos Reference Waters and Gallegos2014). While social support is available and manifested through spiritual practices and family networks in Mexico (Hernández et al. Reference Hernández, Hernández, Reyes, Ronzón, Vázquez and Murguía2017; Reyes Reference Reyes2012), the effects of socio-historical changes – namely community fragmentation, migration of younger generations and loss of prestige among older generations – contribute to exacerbating experiences of social isolation and loneliness among older Indigenous people in Mexico and Ecuador (Hernández et al. Reference Hernández, Hernández, Reyes, Ronzón, Vázquez and Murguía2017; Laso and Males Reference Laso and Males2018; Reyes Reference Reyes2012).
In fact, scientific research that examines the factors that facilitate or complicate the social participation of disabled, migrant or Indigenous older people – based on their own accounts – is lacking in LAC. Given this gap in the literature, the study reported in this article investigated the participatory experiences of Chilean older people who are disabled, migrant or Indigenous.
Theoretical framework
The concept of social participation frames the empirical study reported on in this article and encompasses a wide range of definitions. As emphasized in the introduction, the importance of supporting the social participation of older people as a means to strengthen personal responsibility for ‘ageing well’ is a primary concern in ageing-related policies (Dizon et al. Reference Dizon, Wiles and Peiris-John2020) and research (Serrat et al. Reference Serrat, Scharf, Villar and Gomez2020), particularly in North America (United States, Canada), Europe (the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Spain, Germany), Asia (China, Taiwan, Japan) and Oceania (Australia, New Zealand). Critics of this rhetoric have long questioned its productivity-oriented foundations (Katz Reference Katz2005), which can trap older people in a normative definition of what contributory participation should entail, whether focusing on participation in social, volunteer or civic activities (Serrat et al. Reference Serrat, Scharf, Villar and Gomez2020) or the continuation of paid work (Krekula and Vickerstaff et al. Reference Krekula, Vickerstaff and Léime2020; Laliberte Rudman and Aldrich Reference Laliberte Rudman and Aldrich2021).
Alternatively, social participation can be understood through the different ways in which it occurs: the roles adopted, the spaces where it takes place and, above all, individuals’ perceptions of their own participation. Drawing from the Human Development Model–Disability Creation Process, or HDM–DCP (Fougeyrollas Reference Fougeyrollas2010), four domains are identified for these practices: interpersonal relationships; civic, community and spiritual activities; recreational activities; and work. The model shows that social participation involves being able to satisfactorily engage in valued social practices within one’s socio-cultural context. Hence, social participation depends on an appropriate interaction between personal factors (e.g. socio-demographic characteristics, abilities, identity and preferences) and environmental factors (physical or social dimensions that determine the organization and context of a society, at micro-, meso- and macro-social levels), which can act as facilitators or obstacles.
The definition of social participation outlined above moves beyond how participation is usually framed in ageing-related research. It also facilitates the study of structural factors that shape the ability to perform and move between different social roles, steering away from an individualized perspective on participatory behaviours. This perspective is prevalent in the literature on older people’s social participation and may obscure the historical, socio-economic and cultural realities experienced by the three LAC target groups. Indeed, by actively considering both personal and environmental dimensions of social participation among older people in diverse social positions, an interactive approach more effectively integrates diversity in the study of ageing and social participation in LAC. The next section outlines the methodology of the study.
Methods
Study design
A qualitative methodology (Padgett Reference Padgett2017) based on older people’s perspectives was used to explore their social participation practices. The research team was made up of a lead researcher, four co-researchers from four universities in Chile and a research assistant. The fieldwork was carried out in two regions: the IV Region of Coquimbo and the Santiago Metropolitan Region. Two data collection techniques were used: focus groups and individual interviews.
Recruitment of participants and data collection
Intentional sampling was employed (Otzen and Manterola Reference Otzen and Manterola2017). Each category of participants was recruited and interviewed through a specific strategy.
First, to recruit key informants, a list of government agencies (including regional government offices and municipal offices), community organizations (community centres, advocacy associations, social clubs and similar groups) and charities was compiled for each region and sector of activity (disability, migration or Indigenous communities). A recruitment email was then sent to each organization, inviting a representative to participate in a focus group. In several cases, this contact led to identifying other key informants who were potential study participants. To participate in our study, key informants had to work in a governmental, community or charity organization in the disability, migration or Indigenous sector. All key informants who expressed interest in participating were included. Six focus groups were held (Krueger and Casey Reference Krueger and Casey2014), made up of key informants who work in one of the three sectors mentioned above. This method was chosen as a primary source of information on key perspectives and concerns regarding ageing and the social participation of older people in each sector and as a resource for recruiting older people for the second phase of data collection (i.e. individual interviews). The focus groups lasted two to three hours and the main questions were as follows: How do you perceive ageing in Chile? Has the issue of ageing led to challenges for the people you serve in your sector of activity (disability, migration or Indigenous communities)? How do you think your ageing members/participants/users see and experience their social participation? Digital recording and field notes were used for data collection.
Second, to recruit older people, we enlisted the assistance of the key informants who had taken part in the focus groups. Those individuals were carefully screened to identify characteristics relevant to sampling, with the intention of interviewing a diverse sample of older people based on their place of residence, level of education, occupation, age and gender so as to provide a more comprehensive understanding of lived experiences (Rubin and Rubin Reference Rubin and Rubin2005) across various social positions (Grenier Reference Grenier2012). Key informants informed potential participants about the study and invited them to participate. The lead researcher or the research assistant then contacted all those interested to answer their questions about the study, arrange interviews and determine whether accommodations were required. Regarding inclusion criteria, there were no minimum or maximum age limits; individuals who self-identified as older people and were interested in sharing their experiences of social participation were selected. In addition, eligibility criteria stipulated that participants must possess at least one of the following attributes: a disability, an international migration background or membership in an Indigenous community. All interested participants who met the inclusion criteria were invited to participate in the study. Partner organizations were also consulted during the recruitment and interviewing process to address cultural safety concerns, for example regarding the terminology employed and accommodations provided (the option of being accompanied during the interview and the availability of various interview locations). In order to foster research collaboration based on reciprocity and trust, partner organizations became co-owners of the study’s findings, which were made available for outreach and advocacy activities. In-depth interviews were conducted with older people from each group to explore their experiences of social participation (Rubilar Reference Rubilar2017). Each interview lasted one to two hours, and questions addressed participants’ experiences of ageing as well as their personal circumstances, social contexts and practices related to social participation. Digital recordings and field notes were used for data collection.
Ethics
All focus groups and individual interviews were conducted in accordance with the principles of informed consent, which was obtained at the beginning of each meeting. The information and consent form, approved by the scientific ethics committee of the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, described the study’s protocol and ethical safeguards, including the anonymity of participants and the confidentiality of the information shared. The quotations used in this article have been translated and revised by the research assistant, who is a Chilean national knowledgeable about both Chile’s socio-economic context and the experiences of older Chilean adults.
Study participants
The focus groups were held in the Santiago Metropolitan Region (RM) and in the Coquimbo Region (IV). In total, 41 key informants participated. Two groups addressed the intersection of ageing and disability (N RM = 5; N IV = 13), another two groups addressed the intersection of ageing and migration (N RM = 4; N IV = 10) and one group addressed the intersection of ageing and Indigeneity (N RM = 10). Participants were either employees or self-employed in a wide range of settings: public sector (4), university (4), municipality (13), spiritual/personal support and care (4), cultural mediation (4), arts and crafts (2), kindergarten (2) and other miscellaneous sectors, such as the private sector and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) (8). While participants’ mean age was 33 and 47 years old in the disability and migration focus groups, respectively, the mean age for the Indigenous focus group was 59 years old because it included a large proportion of older activists. An additional focus group was held in Region IV with older people who were members of the regional consultative board of the Servicio Nacional del Adulto Mayor (SENAMA) (national service for older adults). This focus group consisted of 14 district (comuna) representatives and therefore reflected a wide range of geographical areas, including coastal regions, small and large cities, agricultural territories and the Andes Mountains.
With respect to the individual interviews conducted with older people, 22 individuals aged 47 to 79 were interviewed. Sixteen participants were from the Coquimbo region, while six were from the metropolitan region, with 8 identifying as men and 14 as women. Six people were recruited to represent the migrant population, six to represent people with disabilities (three with intellectual disabilities and three with physical disabilities) and ten to represent Indigenous groups. Among the Indigenous people, eight are of Mapuche origin, while the other two are from the Diaguita and Aymara-Anacona groups. Six participants had a university degree, mainly from the migrant group, while 13 had no more than primary or secondary school education. All had work experience, mainly in the community or the tertiary sector. For more detailed information, see Appendix 1 at the end of this article.
Data analysis
All individual interviews and focus groups were fully transcribed verbatim. Data were examined through an inductive thematic analysis, which consists of systematically identifying, grouping and examining the topics addressed in a corpus (Paillé and Mucchielli Reference Paillé and Mucchielli2012). This involves data reduction processes, in which researchers summarize and treat the corpus using denominations called themes (Paillé and Mucchielli Reference Paillé and Mucchielli2012). This approach was chosen because it helps identify what is fundamental in a subject, in this case the experiences and issues of older Chilean migrants, Indigenous people and disabled individuals regarding their social participation.
The interview transcripts were initially coded inductively by the lead researcher and a research assistant, resulting in the creation of an initial coding tree. Three additional transcripts were then coded to improve the effectiveness of this tree. An intercoder reliability exercise was conducted with two additional co-researchers, in which each person coded excerpts from various interviews (Cohen et al. Reference Cohen, Manion and Morrison2011). The results were compared, and the codes were validated or modified. The following content analysis principles for validity were applied: completeness, homogeneity, relevance and clarity (Mayer and Deslauriers Reference Mayer, Deslauriers, Mayer, Ouellet, Saint-Jacques and Turcotte2000). The final coding tree consists of three core themes and seven categories:
1. Contexts of social participation: precarity, dignity, recognition and visibility; economic, physical and cultural access.
2. Agency and its conditions: individual actions and strategies, collective change.
3. Relationships first: connectivity and security, interpersonal risks and absences.
The coding process was carried out by the research assistant using NVivo software, under the close supervision of the lead researcher. Meetings were held every two weeks to guide the work, discuss questions and doubts, and make consensual methodological decisions. Coding results are organized around the core themes and each of the categories.
Several strategies were implemented to ensure methodological rigour and reliability of results (Lietz and Zayas Reference Lietz and Zayas2010; Lincoln and Guba Reference Lincoln and Guba1986; Padgett Reference Padgett2017): reflexivity, observer triangulation, information source triangulation, detailed recording of methodological decisions and operations, and peer feedback. Reflexivity, which involves recognizing the impact of the presence and decisions of researchers on the contexts and experiences investigated, was driven by the writing of field notes throughout data collection and analysis as well as a continuous dialogue between the co-researchers, research assistants and students in the research team. To obtain a nuanced and comprehensive answer to the research questions, source triangulation was performed; thus, data for each social group was collected by interviewing two groups of social actors (key informants and older people) in two Chilean administrative regions. Observer triangulation was also applied as the interviews were conducted by different team members (several jointly, including a researcher and an assistant or a student). Likewise, the development of the coding tree was supported by a continuous process of intercoder reliability involving the lead researcher, research team members and students, while coding and categorization procedures were accompanied by weekly team meetings in which questions and concerns were shared and resolved. A detailed record of the study’s methodology was documented through the aforementioned methodological notes as well by recording team meetings in which methodological operations were discussed. Finally, peer feedback provided a forum for co-researchers with extensive qualitative research experience to share their knowledge with the rest of the research team and guide both theoretical and methodological considerations and decisions throughout the course of the study.
Findings
The findings regarding the experiences of social participation among Indigenous, migrant and disabled older people in Chile are organized around three core themes that emerged from the inductive thematic analysis: the contexts of social participation, agency and its conditions, and relationships first. Each core theme is subdivided into two or three categories, which were defined earlier in this article.
The contexts of social participation
As noted previously, social participation is not only an individual behavioural choice but also the result of interconnected personal and structural factors that influence the opportunities for older people to choose and carry out commitments and activities across various domains. Therefore, it is crucial to consider socio-historical, economic, cultural and physical dimensions that shape individual and collective participatory experiences. As outlined earlier, individual interviews with older participants were conducted amid a volatile political situation in Chile, during which many social inequalities, among them discrepancies especially affecting older people, were brought to the forefront of social demands. The three subcategories of this core theme are ‘precarity’, ‘dignity, recognition and visibility’ and ‘economic, physical and cultural access to participatory settings’.
The precarious living conditions of most participants are highlighted in this account:
Hardly anyone in the country could say ‘we’re fine’. Someone recently said that it’s because of AFPs. Footnote 3 AFPs are a massive fraud that was sold to us 40 years ago; there used to be state benefits, a plan that was better than what we have now. The rich have gotten richer with our money, with the workers’ money. (Focus group, Indigenous people, RM)
It is essential to consider this economic and political context in order to understand the many references that study participants made to the economic precarity that affects a wide range of ageing trajectories in Chile.
Chileans are ageing in deteriorating conditions because getting older in this country, if you don’t have adequate resources, is terrible; it’s a nightmare. And migrants generally arrive here without a chance to retire because they haven’t accumulated enough years to be able to do so. (Focus group, Migration, RM)
With the next to nothing [in terms of the amount] that I receive, I do my shopping for the month. I put aside the money I have left to pay for electricity, water, gas and trade items. It doesn’t go very far, but it’s what I’ve got. So, I don’t live; I survive. (75-year-old woman with a physical disability, Region IV)
Participants described the challenges they encounter when managing their limited financial resources. Whether they receive a state pension or income from employment or self-employment, which is often precarious, most participants reported having little money left after covering their fixed costs.
Well, I’ll tell you that [my wage] is very small, but I saw it as an opportunity too because I said to myself, ‘When I want to apply for my visa, change it to final visa, a residential visa … I have to be legal, working, and everything.’ … So, I thought, ‘Well, I don’t mind being paid a pittance.’ (68-year-old woman, South American migrant, RM)
In this regard, many participants felt that they were barely surviving day-to-day and must make risky decisions concerning which of their needs are essential. Many stated that poverty prevents them from affording health care and medication.
Old age doesn’t weigh on me; thank God it doesn’t. Now, if I were in bad health, it would be a burden because I wouldn’t be able to buy medication. (Focus group, Indigenous people, RM)
Considering the contexts and conditions for participation necessitates considering the involvement of older people in the social uprising of 2019–2020, a series of massive demonstrations demanding more social justice in the country. Social inclusion was an integral part of the demand for dignity described in the introduction and was particularly relevant to older people and their right to an adequate state pension plan. While part of the answer certainly lies in improving material conditions to enable older people to live with greater freedom and economic and social security, another part involves older people’s demand for recognition and visibility; that is, recognizing their historical role in social development. In other words, this underscores the need for a paradigm shift regarding the social participation of older citizens.
It’s not longevity, not just how many years you’ve been alive; many old people are lucid, strong and still have the guts to fight for their principles, to support their own people. You can’t just stand by and watch. (56-year-old woman, South American migrant, Region IV)
When asked how they perceived their participation in society, most interviewees expressed a desire to participate actively in society. However, both older people and key informants mentioned transportation costs as a barrier to participation in community activities.
Yes, I come every day, but when I’m short of money for the [bus ticket], I don’t come. (68-year-old woman with a physical disability, Region IV)
The other is the socio-economic level too; it’s very important for older people … when they become pensioners, and the State provides a pension of 110,000 pesos [per month]. Nobody in this country can live on 110,000 pesos [per month]. So, finally, they don’t buy medication; they don’t go out because the Bip [the official payment method for the Red Metropolitana de Movilidad, the public transportation system of the City of Santiago] is very expensive; going to the workshop every day or three times a week is quite costly if it’s not within walking distance. (Focus group, Disability, RM)
In addition to being a barrier to physical access to social participation, poverty may introduce symbolic obstacles due to prejudice.
Here in Chile, the poor are not seen as human; people look at them in all sorts of ways, but not as human beings. (75-year-old woman, Mapuche, Region IV)
Older participants in all three groups explicitly explained how their disability, migration trajectory or Indigenous ethnicity has impacted their socio-economic situation, which is closely linked to their opportunities to participate in the roles of their choice. Precarity here is experienced not only in terms of difficult living conditions but also as a challenge with respect to access to spaces for participation and in terms of the commitments associated with feeling part of society. This makes an inquiry into the ways in which older people participate in social change, that is, how agency is manifested in their experiences, all the more pertinent.
Agency and its conditions
This second theme aims to convey a central ideal in participants’ stories: the capacity of individuals and communities to make decisions and undertake action, without losing sight of the social structure that shapes social participation. The subcategories of this core theme illustrate two pathways for empowerment and emancipation identified in the collected data: ‘individual action and strategies’ and ‘collective change’.
The older people interviewed in this study demonstrated the ability to take action, resist and struggle, and to avoid being defined or constrained by adverse circumstances. It is interesting to note that the professionals among the participants used language that framed participation in terms of productivity when discussing social participation in old age. They viewed participation as a means of staying healthy, keeping busy and finding contentment.
We have to encourage and … participate in these social activities … so that people don’t get ill, because staying connected and interacting with others helps. (Focus group, Disability, Region IV)
They’re happy with so little because we bring them the SERNATUR [National Tourism Service] programme; they’re glad because they get a chance to travel. We meet that need; we show them the programmes, including how to apply; they’re really skillful, really active … showing them … little things that they’re given in the community health centre, lentil soup and things like that. (Focus group, Migration, Region IV)
However, many older participants expressed a more politically engaged perspective on their social role when discussing social participation. In fact, the idea of struggle permeated the participants’ narratives, specifically in terms of advocating for collective change to improve living conditions.
So, it’s about how I get involved in [the protests] myself; how I want social change. I don’t want to resign myself to the absolute minimum, the very least to survive, to keep breathing. And no, that’s not the right path, not even for a migrant, not even for someone who’s getting old, not even for someone with disabilities. You have to keep fighting for what you want. (56-year-old woman, South American migrant, Region IV)
The collective dimension of participation is evident in many of the participants’ narratives, especially those explaining how group initiatives can help address social issues, forge solidarity and generate solutions.
Social participation is taking part in all the activities of your community and region. Establishing older people’s clubs, creating neighbourhood associations, carrying out social campaigns when there’s a catastrophe in the country. And taking part in society and intervening in situations when someone’s suffering. (Focus group, SENAMA, Region IV)
We participate first by making tea and coffee, and from there we begin to talk with people and find out from participants what older people do and want. After that, after collecting information this way, if necessary, we go to the authorities, to the mayor and present the needs of older people. (Focus group, SENAMA, Region IV)
These excerpts clearly demonstrate older people’s willingness and capacity to improve their living conditions through collective action. At the same time, the specific experiences of the participants in the three study groups illustrate a wide range of individual actions and strategies for participating in society. For example, an older person with a disability explained how she engaged in social participation activities despite her physical impairment:
Participating, being part of what’s going on. Because otherwise, the thing is that I sometimes say, ‘I’m not going because I can’t go alone.’ Then Teresa, a friend of mine, comes along, saying, ‘No, it doesn’t matter, I’ll go with you.’ (61-year-old woman with a physical disability, RM)
Overprotective behaviour towards older people with disabilities may also hinder their full social participation:
I was talking about ableism with disabled people because when you see someone living with a disability … the tendency is to help, not even to ask whether they need help. (Focus group, Disability, RM)
Participants mentioned strategies to address ableism in the interviews, frequently referring to overprotection in family contexts:
If I want to have tea, I pour it myself. [I say,] ‘Don’t serve me.’
‘But you might burn yourself.’
‘I won’t burn myself.’ (68-year-old woman with a physical disability, La Serena)
My children tell me, ‘Don’t go there, you could fall.’ Then they protect me too much, and as I say, I do not consider myself old; I can do everything I want, go where I want. (Focus group, SENAMA, Region IV)
Older people from Indigenous communities viewed social participation as fundamental to cultural self-affirmation, particularly after experiencing stigma related to their Indigenous identity when they were younger:
It was very embarrassing [to be identified as an Indigenous person]; that’s why it wasn’t mentioned. But not now; now you’ve lived your life, and you’ve reached a certain age; you know what the world’s like. And that’s it. When you’re young, it’s really embarrassing, everything makes you feel … as if it’s terrible. But not now. (75-year-old woman, Mapuche, Region IV)
Other expressions of agency within this group pertain to promoting the collective recognition of Indigenous people and countering their disparagement and invisibility.
And now the Mapuche have dared to form groups, and if one wants to speak [his language, he does so.] If I have to speak in the street, I speak Mapuche, period and I’m not ashamed. (75-year-old woman, Mapuche, Region IV)
A distinctive aspect of agency among older migrants concerns the ability to ‘start over’, particularly in terms of work:
[Ever since I began living in Chile and started working as a housekeeper] I have been making plans: I want [to afford new things or realize my projects.] I hope [all my planning] turns out for the best. Well, all the ladies I know, they’ve helped me quite a lot and I’ve been able to fill up my week [which means working full-time in different houses]. But when I arrived [in Chile] I asked myself, ‘What am I going to do here? I’ve got to find something; I can’t have a business; I can’t get a job because I don’t have papers.’ (61-year-old woman, South American migrant, Region IV)
This account and the following one illustrate how older people – who, in most cases, lost the status and resources they had in their country of origin upon migrating to Chile – struggled to secure employment and establish themselves both socially and economically, key dimensions of social participation.
You say, ‘Fine, I’ve come here; I might have had whatever there, but I’m in Chile now.’ And you’re someone else in Chile; you’re yourself, but you have to look for all sorts of opportunities, reinvent yourself more than anything, reinvent your life, because you might be a good professional, you might have had it all, but you’ve got nothing here. … I think that these are opportunities that you give yourself; nobody gives them to you; you give them to yourself. Because you’re brave enough to say, ‘Yes, I can do that job; I’m this old, but I can do that.’ You don’t say, ‘Oh no, well the thing is, I’m 68 years old.’ (68-year-old woman, South American migrant, RM)
This demonstrates that, despite various social discourses and institutional practices promoting social participation as a means for older people to achieve better health and wellbeing, older participants view and experience such participation as a vehicle for empowerment. Participants described how they generate action strategies, both individual and collective, to obtain increased interpersonal, cultural and economic recognition and wellbeing in environments where people with disabilities, migrants and Indigenous communities encounter widespread social inclusion challenges. Thus, it is important to consider the interpersonal dimension emerging from older people’s stories because such relationships can help identify the structural positions within which the stories are articulated and the factors facilitating or hindering older people’s agency.
Relationships first
This third core theme emerged from what participants identified as the most important element of social participation: the interdependent nature of social relationships in people’s lives. However, while the data primarily revealed nurturing and positive interpersonal connections fostered through social roles and participation, they also included accounts of oppressive and marginalizing dynamics. ‘Connectivity and security’ and ‘interpersonal risks and absences’ are the two subcategories of this theme.
Both key informants and older people stated that social participation enabled them to ‘have a social life’ and provided them with a sense of connection and security, both outside the home and in domestic settings.
We are almost always working socially. Our meetings include a cup of tea, with a churrasca [Chilean type of sandwich], whatever, and to organize that, who’ll bring the flour? Who’s going to make the churrasca? Who’s going to serve? We have to organize all those elements and that’s what constitutes creating a social life with older people. (Focus group, SENAMA, Region IV)
We go, we have tea, we play bingo, dominos, talk over problems. If someone has problems and I can help out, I help. Or if they can help me, they help. (68-year-old woman with a physical disability, Region IV)
Numerous accounts illustrate the role of social participation as a catalyst for the development of meaningful social relationships among older people.
I can take part, and we’re participating socially here. We’re getting to know each other; [that’s what I call] ‘good participation’. There’ll be an event, a party or something, that I might like. I like to sing; they start singing, and I join in. (61-year-old woman with a physical disability, RM)
Although key informants and older people mentioned activities offered by various types of organization (including day centres and associations), they also referred to more private, intimate and everyday forms of participation in domestic settings.
My close friends are my family. Because as soon as I need something or something happens to me, I call someone in my circle of friends and they’re here straight away. People my age, younger people … I’ve sown the seeds well because they never abandon me; they look after me. (67-year-old woman, South American migrant, RM)
The narratives of older Indigenous people help connect the concept of interconnected lives to Indigenous worldviews, stories in which ageing is understood as a process rooted in a community that prioritizes the wellbeing of all its members.
I think ageing is obviously a stage, a cycle. It’s the true experience of every human being, and it may be similar for Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. Let’s relate it to the basic elementary principles and values of the Mapuche people. Obviously, there’s always solidarity, reciprocity and respect for older people. That’s the essential teaching given to us at least. (Focus group, Indigenous people, RM)
This perspective, which considers older people both as participants in and objects of collective solidarity, contrasts with other findings that emphasize the way participants from the three groups may face interpersonal risks and exclusion when trying to be and feel included in society. For example, several accounts reveal the precarity and loneliness experienced by older Indigenous people in the current Chilean context.
[Regarding the emigration of young people from their home community] Obviously it affects all older people, but particularly our people in Chile because, as the lamien [sister] said, there are many older people living alone. And they are left alone because their children are all working; they are elsewhere and out of touch. (Focus group, Indigenous people, RM)
The topic of linked lives is also critical in the context of ageing and social participation among older migrants because migrating to Chile can disrupt family relationships and support networks. This disruption may create a need to build new networks, thereby fostering opportunities for social participation:
When we migrate, we lose [our extended] social support network, we lose our family support network, and we arrive in Chile with only a tiny social support network. That’s why we create these associations, corporations and foundations: to provide support and guidance and be included, but we don’t have financial resources, you know. (Focus group, Migration, Region IV)
Although networks based on country of origin are crucial for older migrants, they can have a detrimental effect by confining them to closed social circles that are ill-equipped to address more complex issues.
They’re going to become isolated, so they’ll need more because they’re not going to have other networks aside from their compatriots [people from their country of origin]. It’s hard for older [Chileans] too, but they have more networks: care networks, networks for other things that older migrants won’t have. That’s just how it is. (Focus group, Migration, RM)
In this context, an older woman with a disability described her experience of participating in a cultural activity in which the participants felt that the intercultural interaction fostered a greater sense of social inclusion:
We did a really nice choreography with all the older people. It was quite beautiful, and that’s where the friendships started; they are lovely friendships. Chileans, Venezuelans, they’re all doing great work with the older people. (61-year-old Venezuelan woman with a physical disability, RM)
In the case of family migrations involving children and/or grandchildren, the older family members are often perceived as being in a precarious position as they are typically the last to apply for and obtain legal status.
We see that these people are somewhat sidelined; they come along, whereas their families in the home country don’t leave due to [a fear of] loneliness, and also because they support the family [without leaving home]. I’ve seen lots of them put off their legal recognition process. … So obviously, they end up spending more time in the home, taking care of the children, and they don’t have higher expectations. (Focus group, Migration, RM)
Precarious legal status may increase the isolation of older migrants, particularly those who take care of their grandchildren and, as a result, have limited opportunities to get to know their community: ‘I mean, obviously, that has to be part of the reason why they feel safer in a smaller, crowded space than in a more open, complex one’ (Focus group, Migration, RM). However, older participants also value having family members close by, precisely to avoid loneliness:
If any of my family members came, I’d be delighted. Whether it was my brother, child, cousin, nephew, whatever. I’d be delighted to have someone from my family, you know, my blood. That would be the ideal thing, because then I wouldn’t feel so alone. (68-year-old woman with a physical disability, Region IV)
An important element of interpersonal relationships at the intersection of ageing and disability is people’s experiences of discrimination based on functional limitations. Several participants voiced the need for a more inclusive approach:
The tendency is to atomize participation depending on people’s [physical or psychological] attributes, and that’s not good either; the best thing from a diversity point of view would actually be to bring people together, not to separate them. (Focus group, Disability, RM)
Older people with disabilities experience barriers to social participation due to discriminatory attitudes, especially when their disabilities are neither physical nor sensory:
Maybe people with physical disabilities can participate, but how about people with intellectual or psychological disabilities, or some form of dementia? Will there be social participation spaces for them? (Focus group, Disability, RM)
In sum, social participation is seen, experienced and cherished by older participants as conducive to establishing and developing interpersonal relationships as well as defying discriminatory discourses. Moreover, it is also a means of obtaining social and economic support in a context where daily life may be precarious without a strong personal network. However, not all older people have the same level of access to the conditions for participating in society in ways that align with their desires and needs. Economic, cultural and functional inequalities leave many on the margins, a disparity that may reinforce precarious living conditions.
Summary: common ground and specific factors of influence
A summary table was created (Table 1) to present common experiences regarding the factors influencing social participation in the three groups of older people, as well as elements that may specifically affect the participation of a given group. Because an intersectional lens (Crenshaw Reference Crenshaw1989) was not formally used to frame the study design or analyse its results, systematically incorporating intersectional considerations into the content analysis procedure would have been problematic. Still, it is fruitful to consider how certain functional conditions or cultural identities may influence access to and inclusion in participatory practices and settings in each group of older people using the HDM–DCP as a framework.
Table 1. Factors influencing the social participation of older people
Source: Prepared by the authors
Older people with disabilities had personal factors that included various types of physical, sensory, cognitive or learning impairment that necessitated both individual resources and environmental adjustments. In Chile, however, low-income older people often face challenges in accessing appropriate health care, technical aids and medication. Additionally, universal accessibility to public transportation, spaces and buildings is rarely ensured. These barriers to participation are further exacerbated by ableist and infantilizing attitudes. As a result, older people with disabilities have limited opportunities to engage in participative practices based on their own preferences, unless there are people in their social circle (family, friends, neighbours, colleagues) who are available and willing to assist them. However, the constant need for external support can make older individuals feel like a burden, especially when the assistance provided does not align with their specific health conditions.
The participatory contexts of older immigrants are significantly influenced by Chilean immigration regulations and their associated economic needs, making paid work the primary focus of their social participation. Regardless of the age at which they arrived in the host country, starting a new life requires effective networking to access socio-economic opportunities and attain inclusion. Consequently, time for community or recreational activities may be limited, especially if they assume family responsibilities as care-givers for the grandchildren with whom they migrated or as helpers for relatives who remained in their country of origin. In this way, social relationships within family or compatriot networks are prioritized to address both the need for belonging and the challenges of integrating into new micro, mezzo and macro environments.
The narratives of older Indigenous participants revealed a sense of both geographical and cultural remoteness that affects their access to participatory settings and opportunities. Many live in isolated communities where health and social services are limited, affecting their functional abilities. Additionally, the cultural distance and discrimination they experience from the Chilean majority population is more pronounced when they discuss their social participation. After a life of racial stigmatization and in the context of the estallido social and Indigenous self-determination movements, many older participants viewed social participation as a tool for cultural affirmation and struggle. This was achieved through artisanal and cultural mediation activities, participation in Indigenous organizations and the transmission of their cosmogonies and traditions. However, despite strong connections between personal aspirations and collective resources and struggles, significant macro-social changes, such as the urbanization and acculturation of younger generations, could make life in rural communities increasingly difficult and even precarious.
Discussion
The aim of this article was to examine the participatory practices of older people with disabilities, older international migrants and older members of Indigenous communities in Chile, as well as to analyse the challenges they face in accessing and being included in their chosen spaces of engagement. Investigating how older people in minority social positions perceive and experience social participation is necessary both to address the lack of diversity in ageing-related discourses, policies and research as well as to identify barriers and facilitators that influence these populations’ participation in society.
First, regarding the contexts of social participation, findings revealed that most older participants across all social groups have been experiencing significant socio-economic precariousness, which both limits their involvement in social and community roles and may compel them to seek income-generating activities. While ageing policies at the global, continental and Chilean levels pay little attention to precarious living conditions and their impact on social participation (Organización de los Estados Americanos 2015; World Health Organization 2002), this study adopts a more comprehensive approach to social participation (Fougeyrollas Reference Fougeyrollas2010). It is important to note that this study was conducted in the socio-historical context of the estallido social, which, among other demands, emphasized the need to reform the pension system and secure dignified ageing (Barría Reference Barría2019; González Reference González2020). This study shows that socio-economic uncertainties affect opportunities for social participation, forcing older people to make difficult decisions to manage their limited resources. Moreover, research participants’ accounts frequently mention feelings of marginalization, exclusion or being disregarded due to ableism, racism, insecure legal status or labour exploitation in participatory settings. These situations have also been reported in studies conducted in other LAC countries (Aguilar and Díaz Reference Aguilar, Díaz and Valdés2017; Arroyo and Salas Reference Arroyo, Salas and de Oca2014; Castellanos Soriano and López Reference Castellanos Soriano and López2010; Gallardo et al. Reference Gallardo, Sánchez and Rodríguez2018; Masís Reference Masís2019).
Second, regarding the possibilities for agency, older participants emphasized that social participation can serve as a means of achieving self-determination and emancipation. However, the theoretical perspective that views social participation as an outcome of appropriate interactions between personal and environmental factors highlights how environmental factors – such as the social representations of supporting staff in key informants’ accounts – can shape individual possibilities and choices. This study’s findings align with existing LAC scientific literature on the challenges different groups face in expressing their agency. For instance, older people with disabilities may be perceived as younger or less capable than they are, which can undermine their autonomy and self-esteem (Castillo et al. Reference Castillo, Gómez de Regil, Marrufo and de Oca2017). On the other hand, older migrants often face systemic racism and discrimination, which can impact their access to employment opportunities, services and social integration (Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos 2017). Moreover, Indigenous cosmogonies, or worldviews, are often overlooked or dismissed, which can lead to a lack of respect for and understanding of the knowledge systems of older Indigenous people (Reyes and Villasana Reference Reyes and Villasana2010; Zerda Reference Zerda2019). This article also illustrates how certain older people in these groups have developed strategies to resist structural factors that limit their agency. Examples include rejecting overprotective practices and seeking alternative means of accessing participatory settings despite physical impairments among older people with disabilities, using creativity and personal resources to rebuild their lives in Chile among older migrants, and striving for freedom from social prejudice and fighting for cultural recognition among Indigenous community members.
Third, both older participants and key informants viewed social participation as a means of fostering social relationships that provide support, meaning and a sense of inclusion. Several older people emphasized that family, friends and colleagues played a crucial role in enabling their social participation. This interaction between personal conditions and environments is central to the HDM–DCP model, which posits that micro- and mezzo-level relationships and resources can either facilitate or constrain social participation. The present findings align with numerous studies highlighting relational barriers to older people’s social participation, particularly the loss of social status due to the association between disability and lack of productivity (Arroyo Reference Arroyo2011; Castellanos Soriano and López Reference Castellanos Soriano and López2010; Castillo et al. Reference Castillo, Gómez de Regil, Marrufo and de Oca2017), international migration dynamics that position older people as economically dependent by assigning them care-giving and domestic responsibilities in the host country (Díaz and Marroni Reference Díaz and Marroni2017) and the fragmentation of Indigenous communities resulting from modernization (Hernández et al. Reference Hernández, Hernández, Reyes, Ronzón, Vázquez and Murguía2017; Servicio Nacional del Adulto Mayor 2015; Waters and Gallegos Reference Waters and Gallegos2014).
Strengths and limits
This article has several strengths. It appears to be the first study to address how different groups of older people in LAC perceive and experience social participation by developing an approach to participatory narratives that connects individual biographies, their associated interactions and social networks, and the contexts in which they are situated. In addition, very little research has focused on the ageing experiences of Chilean older people with disabilities, older international migrants or older Indigenous people. Finally, the results presented integrate the idea of diversity into generic discourses on social participation based on a critical perspective, showing that access to full social participation, according to the situation and preferences of the people involved, is unequally distributed among Chilean older people, and efforts are needed to reduce social inequalities in this area.
The key limitation of the study lies in its scope, which, by encompassing three social groups simultaneously, reduced the attention given to each. While this may have led to a lack of detail regarding the rich narratives shared for each theme, the study demonstrates that various living conditions and situations affect access to social participation, both positively and negatively. In other words, the chosen intersectional perspective captures the structural issues influencing the possibilities of social participation and thus provides the individualized lenses needed to grasp and elucidate this participation, particularly in the field of intervention and social policies.
Conclusion
The article contributes to the development of knowledge regarding the diverse conditions under which people in Chile age and participate in society (World Health Organization 2024). It addresses gaps in gerontological research from the Global South by incorporating diversity into its research design, sampling and analysis (Westwood Reference Westwood2019). Moreover, it examines participatory preferences and practices from the standpoint of older people at the intersection of ageing and Indigenous identities, international migration trajectories and/or disabilities. Furthermore, by adopting an inclusive and interactive approach to social participation that connects both personal and environmental dimensions, this article provides a deeper understanding of the tensions between agency and social structure, highlighting how these factors may affect social participation among individuals in minority social positions.
Supplementary material
The supplementary material for this article can be found at https://doi.org/10.1017/S0144686X25100226.
Acknowledgements
This work was supported by Servicio Nacional del Adulto Mayor of Chile. We would also like to acknowledge and thank the research participants who kindly gave up their time and shared their experiences and thoughts.
Financial support
This research was supported by the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (Partnership Engage Grant).
Competing interests
The authors declare no competing interests.
Ethical standards
Ethical approval was gained from the Comité d’éthique de l’Université Laval (protocol number 2019-116). Researchers requested participants’ permission in advance and repeated the request at the start of every interview. Consent was signed or expressed orally and audio-recorded digitally at the start of each interview. Researchers behaved respectfully towards participants, and special attention was given to preserving participants’ anonymity by the use of codes in the text.
Open access
