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‘How Διακρίνοµαι became “Doubt”: The Jewish Two Ways Tradition and the Christian Discourse of Prayer’

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 December 2025

Nicholas List*
Affiliation:
Faculty of Philosophy, Theology and Religious Studies, Radboud University, Nijmegen, Netherlands
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Abstract

The Latin translators of the New Testament often rendered the middle/passive verb διακρίνοµαι with words for doubt or indecision (haesito, dubito). However, in post-classical Greek, διακρίνοµαι never means ‘to doubt’. Earlier practitioners of a theologically driven philology supposed that the New Testament authors themselves created a new meaning for the word – an untenable position from the perspective of modern lexicography. How then did διακρίνοµαι become ‘doubt’? This article offers a two-pronged answer through literary-historical and cognitive linguistic analysis. First, I trace how the Greek words διακρίνοµαι and δίψυχος (‘double-minded’) became associated with the concept of ‘doubt’ through the Christian reception of the Jewish Two Ways tradition and the Letter of James. I show how the discursive connections between διακρίνοµαι, δίψυχος and ‘doubt’ (διστάζω) influenced the rendering of both terms within Coptic and Latin translation traditions. Second, I show how the same data can be analysed within a cognitive linguistic perspective, offering a model for lexicographical analysis that is grounded in modern linguistic theory.

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1. Doubts about ‘Doubt’

In post-classical Greek, the middle/passive verb διακρίνοµαι could mean ‘to separate’, ‘to divide’, ‘to distinguish’, ‘to discern’, ‘to dispute’.Footnote 1 It did not mean ‘to doubt’.Footnote 2 Nevertheless, in a select few passages within the New Testament, translators have consistently rendered διακρίνοµαι with words that convey a ‘mental disposition of indecisiveness’.Footnote 3

Mark 11.23: ‘If you do not doubt in your heart (µὴ διακριθῇ ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ), but believe (πιστεύω) that what you say will come to pass, it will be done for you’ (cf. Matt 21.21).

Rom 4.20: ‘No distrust made [Abraham] waver (οὐ διεκρίθη τῇ ἀπιστίᾳ) concerning the promise of God, but he grew strong in his faith (πίστις)’.

Rom 14.23: ‘But those who have doubts (ὁ διακρινόµενος) are condemned if they eat, because they do not act from faith (πίστις)’.

Acts 10.20: The Spirit to Peter: ‘Now get up, go down, and go with them [sc. men from Cornelius] without hesitation (µηδὲν διακρινόµενος); for I have sent them’.

Jas 1.6: ‘But ask in faith (πίστις), never doubting (µηδὲν διακρινόµενος), for the one who doubts (ὁ διακρινόµενος) is like a wave of the sea, driven and tossed by the wind’.

Jude 22: ‘And have mercy on some who are wavering (οὓς…διακρινοµένους)’.Footnote 4

Scholars often take the πίστις–διακρίνοµαι collocation as an antithesis between faith and doubt. While this antithesis gives a cogent reading to the passages, it is nevertheless based on a misguided approach to lexicography – a theological (rather than linguistic) approach that assumes the uniqueness of New Testament Greek. In fact, Friedrich Büchsel, in his entry for the Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament, points to the otherwise unattested sense of ‘doubt’ for διακρίνοµαι as ‘die sprachbildende Kraft des Evangeliums’.Footnote 5 Since the pioneering work of Adolf Deissmann, New Testament lexicography has attempted to understand the literature of early Christians within the context of post-classical Greek.Footnote 6 The attempt is ongoing,Footnote 7 and the widely held belief that διακρίνοµαι has a ‘special NT meaning’ bears witness to the enduring legacy of theological lexicography. Nevertheless, a number of studies have offered fresh readings of the above passages, showing that the πίστις-διακρίνοµαι collocation can be understood as an antithesis, not of ‘believing versus doubting’, but of ‘trusting versus disputing’ or ‘showing loyalty versus being divided’.Footnote 8 While the persuasiveness of these readings must be judged on their own merits,Footnote 9 they nevertheless demonstrate a concern to understand the language of the New Testament within the context of post-classical Greek.

2. Lingering Doubts

And yet, if διακρίνοµαι does not mean ‘to doubt’, it is striking to find that the Latin translators of the New Testament often rendered διακρίνοµαι in the noted passages with the terms dubito and haesito.

Mark 11.23: non haesitaverit (V and C), non dubitaverit (A);

Matt 21.21: non haesitaveritis (V);

Rom 4.20: non haesitavit (V);

Acts 10.20: nihil dubitans (V), ne dubites (Ambrose, Spir. 2.103; PL 16.654b);

Jas 1.6: nihil dubitansdubitat (S and F), nihil haesitanshaesitat (V).Footnote 10

In addition to the senses of διακρίνοµαι as ‘distinguish’ (discernere, e.g., Rom 14.23 V) and ‘judge’ (iudico, Jude 22 V), the Latin translators clearly understood that the verb could connote a sense of doubt (dubito) or hesitation (haesito).Footnote 11

How then did διακρίνοµαι become ‘doubt’? For Peter Spitaler, when these Latin translators rendered διακρίνοµαι with the terms dubito and haesito, they introduced a reading for these NT passages that finds no precedent: ‘Latin authors substitute their interpretation for Greek word meaning, and create the meaning “doubt” ex nihilo.’Footnote 12 Claims of ex nihilo innov-ation are, however, an unlikely and unconvincing explanation. Dale Allison responds directly to Spitaler’s claim, rightly noting that ‘translations… typically reflect interpretive traditions’ rather than the other way around; he asks, ‘how likely is it that haesito, in the relevant NT texts, represents a novel (mis)interpretation instead of an exegetical trad-ition?’Footnote 13 In other words, if the Latin translators render διακρίνοµαι as dubito and haesito, it is because there is an already established tradition that understands διακρίνοµαι as a term for ‘doubt’.

2.1. Eldad and Modad

In search of an exegetical tradition, Allison points to a group of texts that arguably draw upon the lost Jewish apocryphon Eldad and Modad.Footnote 14 First Clement 23.3 and 2 Clem 11.2 independently reproduce a quotation from an unnamed source (which they respectively call ἡ γραφή and ὁ προφητικὸς λόγος) that denounces those who question the eschatological fulfilment of divine prophecy: ‘Wretched (ταλαίπωροι) are the doubleminded (οἱ δίψυχοι), who doubt (οἱ διστάζοντες) in their hearts (τῇ καρδίᾳ, 1 Clem τὴν ψυχὴν).’ Hermas, who preserves the only explicitly identified line of Eldad and Modad (Vis. 2.3.4: ‘the Lord is near to those who return’), also attests a nexus of terms found in 1 and 2 Clem’s quotation (δίψυχ- κτλ., διστάζω, ταλαίπωρος).Footnote 15 The Letter of James also preserves a citation from an otherwise unknown ‘scripture’ (γραφή): ‘Does the spirit (πνεῦµα) that he [sc. God] made to dwell in us set its heart on envy (φθόνος)?’ (Jas 4.5).Footnote 16 The story about Eldad and Modad in Numbers 11 similarly ‘features jealously and a divinely bestowed spirit’.Footnote 17 The same key lexemes in Hermas, 1 Clem and 2 Clem also occur in the near vicinity of James’ unknown scripture (Jas 4.8–9: δίψυχοι… ταλαιπωρέω). The only other occurrence of δίψυχος in James (1.8) is placed in apposition to the term διακρίνοµαι (1.6): ‘the διακρινόµενος… is an ἀνὴρ δίψυχος’. Allison suggests that such correspondences present the start of a Christian discourse about doubt and doublemindedness. Δίψυχος and διστάζω are connected in Hermas,Footnote 18 1 Clem,Footnote 19 the shared source behind 1 and 2 Clem, and James, only ‘where James has διακρίνοµαι, Hermas [and the rest have] διστάζω’.Footnote 20 Thus, in Allison’s estimation, the vocabulary for ‘doublemindedness’ and ‘doubt’ derive from Eldad and Modad, and James is early evidence that διακρίνοµαι is indeed a synonym for διστάζω.

However, there are difficulties with the line of argumentation. Allison’s basis for identifying the quotation in 1 Clem 23.3/2 Clem 11.2 (the text that collocates δίψυχος and διστάζω) with Eldad and Modad is not particularly strong. He gives three positive reasons:Footnote 21 (1) The 1 and 2 Clem source is concerned with unfulfilled prophecy, with 2 Clem calling its source ὁ προφητικὸς λόγος. In Numbers 11, Eldad and Modad were prophets.Footnote 22 (2) The quotation in 1 and 2 Clem has an eschatological orientation. In later Rabbinic tradition, Eldad and Modad were ‘prophets of the last things’.Footnote 23 (3) Hermas ‘almost certainly knew the source’ of 1 and 2 Clem, because of the way the authors similarly pair δίψυχος with διστάζω and ταλαίπωρος.Footnote 24 Unfortunately, points (1) and (2) are so general that the 1 and 2 Clem source could well be attributed to any prophetic, eschatologically orientated writing. The proclivity to identify unknown quotations with ‘a passing reference to a lost work from the church fathers’ based on ‘loose thematic correspondences’ is surely to be avoided.Footnote 25 As for (3), it may well be that Hermas betrays knowledge of the 1 and 2 Clem source, but this does not constitute evidence that that source is in fact Eldad and Modad, especially given that there is no shared vocabulary between the actual quotations.

The proposed connections between Eldad and Modad and the Letter of James are also somewhat tenuous. To my mind, at least two other options are more likely for identifying the unknown scripture of Jas 4.5: (1) either the text as we have it is corrupt and should be amended (πρὸς φθόνον → *πρὸς τὸν θεόν) to bring it closer to Psalm 41.1 LXX;Footnote 26 or (2) the citation formula in verse 5 (ἡ γραφὴ λέγει) is pointing to the scriptural reference in verse 6 (Prov 3.34). Timothy Gabrielson has recently highlighted several examples of delayed citation, where a parenthetical comment is placed between a citation formula and the scriptural citation.Footnote 27 One such example is found in the Epistle of Barnabas:

Again I will show you how the Lord speaks (λέγει) concerning us. He made a second creation at the last; and the Lord says (λέγει δὲ Κύριος): ‘Behold I make the last things as the first (Ἰδοὺ ποιῶ τὰ ἔσχατα ὡς τὰ πρῶτα)’ (Barn 6.13).Footnote 28

The scriptural citation is introduced (λέγει), followed by an ‘interpretative gloss’, then a resumptive citation formula (λέγει δὲ Κύριος).Footnote 29 Gabrielson writes, ‘In a resumptive citation, one formula introduces the preparatory information, and the second the quotation proper… The second formula is added precisely because of the delay in quotation.’Footnote 30 This is exactly what we find in James. The citation formula (ἡ γραφὴ λέγει) is followed by an additional preparatory comment (Jas 4.5b–6a);Footnote 31 a resumptive citation formula (διὸ λέγει) then directly precedes the scriptural quotation (4.6b, citing Prov 3.34). Both options (textual emendation and delayed citation) preclude the need to identify Jas 4.5 (or vocabu-lary in the surrounding context) as deriving from Eldad and Modad. In any case, Allison’s assumption that διστάζω and διακρίνοµαι are effectively synonyms has no lexicographical support, either in post-classical Greek in general, or in the texts he associates with Eldad and Modad in particular (except for his reading of James, which, however, is part of the explanandum, not the explanans). For this reason, Allison must concede: ‘As to why διακρίνοµαι took on the meaning “doubt”, the question is open.’Footnote 32

3. How Διακρίνοµαι Became Associated with Doubt and Prayer

Leaving off Eldad and Modad, this article proposes a different way forward, looking to the Jewish Two Ways (TW) tradition, with its admonition against ‘doublemindedness’, and the Letter of James, the first known text to conceptually link the terms δίψυχος and διακρίνοµαι. Through literary-historical analysis, I will show how δίψυχος and διακρίνοµαι both came to be associated with the Christian discourse of prayer and doubt, and how this discourse came to subsequently influence the Coptic and Latin translations of the two Greek words. I briefly conclude by offering an analysis of the same evidence from a cognitive linguistic perspective.

3.1. Δίψυχος and Doubt in the Christian Reception of the Two Ways Tradition

The Jewish TW tradition may provide the earliest attestation of the δίψυχ- word group, seen in the overlapping material between the Didache, Barnabas and the Doctrina Apostolorum.Footnote 33

Doctr. Apost. 4.3–4: Non facies dissensiones, pacifica litigantes, iudica iuste, sciens quod tu iudicaberis. Non deprimes quemquam in casu suo. Nec dubitabis, uerum erit an non erit.

Did 4.3–4: οὐ ποιήσεις σχίσµα, εἰρηνεύσεις δὲ µαχοµένους·κρινεῖς δικαίως, οὐ λήψῃ πρόσωπον ἐλέγξαι ἐπὶ παραπτώµασιν. οὐ διψυχήσεις, πότερον ἔσται ἢ οὔ.

Barn 19.11b–12a: κρινεῖς δικαίως. οὐ ποιήσεις σχίσµα, εἰρηνεύσεις δὲ µαχοµένους συναγαγών.

Barn 19.4–5: οὐ λήµψῃ πρόσωπον ἐλέγξαι τινὰ ἐπὶ παραπτώµατι… οὐ µὴ διψυχήσῃς πότερον ἔσται ἢ οὔ… ἀγαπήσεις τὸν πλησίον σου ὑπὲρ τὴν ψυχήν σου.

Huub van de Sandt and David Flusser offer a possible reconstruction of the Jewish TW source:

You shall not cause division; instead you should reconcile with those who quarrel. You shall judge justly. You shall not show partiality in calling people to task for their faults. You shall not prevaricate (in determining) whether (something) shall be or shall not be.Footnote 34

Any proposed reconstruction must remain tentative, given the complications inherent to the TW’s textual transmission. Nevertheless, as John Kloppenborg writes, ‘the agreement between Barnabas and the Didache in their use of διψυχεῖν suggests that this detail in fact belongs to the earliest strata of the TW tradition’.Footnote 35 The fact that Doctr. Apost. 4.4 has dubito, which commonly translated the δίψυχ- word group in fourth-century Latin tradition, would suggest the source did contain a Greek term for intrapersonal division (διψυχέω, as attested in Did 4.4 and Barn 19.5), rather than a Greek term for ‘doubt’ (such as διστάζω).

The Jewish TW source connects several key ideas, reflected in the vocabulary of these three later Christian writings (Doctr. Apost. 4.3–4; Did 4.3–4; Barn 19.4–5, 19.11b–12a): ideas about ‘judging’ (κρίνω), ‘partiality’ (πρόσωπον λαµβάνειν), ‘convicting’ (ἐλέγχω) and ‘transgression’ (παράπτωµα) all belong to a judicial domain, perhaps within the setting of the synagogue.Footnote 36 The TW’s use of διψυχέω (Did 4.5; Barn 19.5) may have a similar sense to the terms δίγνωµων and δίγλωσσος, also attested in the TW source (Did 2.4; Barn 19.7; Doctr. Apost. 2.4: nec eris duplex in consilium dandum, ‘you should not be double in giving advice’) – less an issue of doubt than prevarication, failing to render a clear judgement. As Kloppenborg notes: ‘διψυχεῖν appears to connote equivocation and partiality when it comes to reproof, probably based on the fear of reproving one of higher social status’. In any case, it is clear that ‘TW’s usage [of διψυχέω] has nothing to do with ambivalence in prayer’.Footnote 37

Despite the judicial setting of this particular TW admonition, later Christian writers would nevertheless transpose the admonition into a new context of prayer and petition, with the δίψυχ- language taking on more explicit connotations of doubt.Footnote 38 The Apostolic Church Order specifies prayer as the context for TW’s warning against doublemindedness: ‘do not be double-minded in your prayer’ (ἐν προσευχῇ σου µὴ διψυχήσεις) (13.2),Footnote 39 as does the Epitome: ἐν προσευχῇ σου µὴ διψυχήσῃς (10).Footnote 40 So too the Coptic Apocalypse of Elijah:Footnote 41 ‘No one is able to enter the holy place if he is double-minded (ⲛ̅ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ). The one who is double-minded (ⲛ̅ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ) in his prayer (ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲉⲩⲭⲏ) is darkness to himself’ (Apoc. Elijah 1.25–7).Footnote 42 Pseudo-Ignatius’ letter to Hero further connects doublemindedness, prayer and doubt: ‘do not be double-minded in your prayers: for blessed is the one who does not doubt’ (µὴ γίνου δίψυχος ἐν προσευχῇ σου· µακάριος γὰρ ὁ µὴ διστάσας) (Ad Her. 7).Footnote 43 The Apostolic Constitutions modifies the tradition to a similar end, placing the TW admonition next to Jesus’ words to Peter during the walking on water episode (Matt 14.31):

Do not be double-minded in your prayer, whether it shall be granted or not (µὴ γίνου δίψυχος ἐν προσευχῇ σου, εἰ ἔσται ἢ οὔ). For the Lord said to me, Peter upon the sea: ‘O you of little faith, why did you doubt (διστάζω)?’ (Apost. Const. 7.11).Footnote 44

In Mandate 9, Hermas directly connects doubt, prayer and doublemindedness in a way not seen throughout the rest of Hermas.Footnote 45

He said to me: Get rid of your doublemindedness (διψυχία), and do not be at all of two minds about whether to ask for something from God… Do not debate these matters back and forth, but turn to the Lord with all your heart, and ask him without doubting (ἀδιστάκτως)… But if you doubt in your heart (διστάσῃς ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ σου), you will never receive anything you have requested. Those who doubt God are of two minds (οἱ γὰρ διστάζοντες εἰς τὸν θεόν, οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ δίψυχοι), and they obtain none of their requests (Mand. 9.1–2, 5).Footnote 46

This developing discourse of prayer would come to inform the Gospel of the Lots of Mary, a recently discovered Coptic miniature codex dating to the fifth/sixth century ce.Footnote 47 Despite its designation as a ‘gospel’ (ⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲓⲟⲛ) (G. Lots Mary, incipit), the text is primarily concerned with the practice of sortilege (divinatory lots). In Oracle 6, we find another example of the Christian appropriation of the TW admonition: ‘The Lord has heard your request… Only do not become careless, (saying) “this matter will not happen”. Yes, it will happen.’ The admonition is repeated in Oracle 24, with the language of doublemindedness: ‘Stop being of two minds, O human, whether this thing will happen or not. Yes, it will happen! Be brave and do not be of two minds.’ Doublemindedness (ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ) is a major theme of this sortes text, as can be discerned from the incipit: ‘The one who will go forward with his whole heart will obtain what he seeks. Only do not be of two minds.’Footnote 48 The admonition against doublemindedness is paired with similar injunctions against doubting (ⲇⲓⲥⲇⲁⲍⲉ/ⲧⲓⲥⲇⲁⲍⲉ): ‘At all events, do not doubt (ⲙⲟⲛⲟⲛ ⲙ̅ⲡⲣ̅ⲇⲓⲥⲇⲁⲍⲉ) because nothing is impossible for God’ (12); ‘Do not doubt in your heart (ⲙ̅ⲡⲣ̅ⲧⲓⲥⲇⲁⲍⲉ ϩⲙ̅ ⲡⲉⲕϩⲏⲧ) nor walk in the counsels of vain people’ (15). AnneMarie Luijendijk has noted that this is a significant development within the tradition, since earlier sortes made no appeal to ‘doubt’. By appropriating the discourse of prayer, with its attendant admonitions against doublemindedness and doubt, the author of this divinatory text is able to effectively ameliorate potential anxieties associated with the uncertainty of sortilege: ‘if you received an inappropriate answer, you must have doubted the lot.’Footnote 49

If the TW admonition against doublemindedness (in its earliest recoverable form) concerned prevarication in judicial decisions (perhaps due to partiality towards those of higher status), in its Christian reception, we find the admonition transposed into a new context – prayer. It is this new context where the associations between ‘doublemindedness’ and ‘doubt’ are developed more fully. This discourse would eventually undergo another transposition into entirely different contexts; in the case of the Gospel of the Lots of Mary, anxieties surrounding the practice of sortilege are addressed with ‘the theology of steadfastness in prayer’.Footnote 50 Although one discourse among others,Footnote 51 the Christian discourse about prayer helped to forge semantic associations between the concepts of doubt (διστάζω) and doublemindedness (δίψυχος κτλ.) in a way that would prove important (as we will see) for the semantic associations of the term διακρίνοµαι.

3.2. Διακρίνοµαι and Δίψυχος in the Letter of James

Like several of the Christian texts cited above, the Letter of James also references doublemindedness in the context of prayer. However, James does not associate the δίψυχος person with ‘doubt’ (διστάζω), but ‘division’ (διακρίνοµαι):

If someone lacks wisdom, let him ask God, who gives to all simply and without reproach, and it will be given to him. But let him ask with loyalty (ἐν πίστει) without being divided (µηδὲν διακρινόµενος). For the one who is divided (ὁ διακρινόµενος) is like a wave of the sea driven and tossed by the wind. For that one should not suppose that he will receive anything from the Lord – a double-souled man (ἀνὴρ δίψυχος), unstable in all his ways (Jas 1.5–8, trans. mine).

The idea of ‘being divided’ fits well with the pattern of community division repeated throughout the Letter. While James shows little concern for the inner disquiet of the doubter, who struggles to trust that God will grant their request, he does show repeated concern for his audience’s divided attitudes and behaviour towards God and others within the community: he writes to admonish those who ‘think they are pious’ but cannot ‘bridle their tongues’ (1.27); who ‘hold faith in Jesus’ while ‘showing partiality’ to the rich (2.1); who affirm the Shema but do not demonstrate their faith with works (2.18–19); who ‘bless our Lord and Father’ while ‘cursing those made in God’s image’ (3.9–10); who assume friendship with God while seeking to be ‘a friend of the world’ (4.4); who wait for ‘the parousia of the Lord’ while ‘grumbling against one another’ (5.7–9). When James advises the one who lacks wisdom to ask ἐν πίστει µηδὲν διακρινόµενος, he is not criticising the quality of their πίστις towards God, but the incongruity between their πίστις and actions and attitudes towards other members within the community. Thus parity between faith and works emerges as a major theme within the Letter (1.22–5, 2.14–26).

By rejecting the ‘special NT meaning’ of διακρίνοµαι, we see that the πίστις-διακρίνοµαι collocation does not present an antithesis between ‘faith and doubt’, but rather an antithesis between ‘loyalty and division’. This reading also highlights James’ connection between the use of διακρίνοµαι in 1.6 (‘ask with loyalty without being divided’) and 2.4 (‘have you not made divisions amongst yourselves?’). It similarly highlights James’ connection between how to rightly petition God in 1.5–8 (‘with loyalty, without being divided’) and the picture of community division and asking God wrongly in 4.1–9.Footnote 52 This shows that James’ concerns about ‘division’ are deeply connected to issues of community strife (4.2), especially the issue of partiality towards the rich and the dishonouring of the poor (2.1, 4, 6). In this respect, James reflects similar ethical concerns to the TW source.Footnote 53

James is the first known author to collocate διακρινόµενος (1.6) with δίψυχος (1.8). While references to ‘doubt’ are absent in Jas 1.5–8, in the reception of James, patristic authors will nonetheless begin to associate διακρίνοµαι with the concept of ‘doubt’.

(1) Origen (third century) explicates a reference to διακρίνοµαι in Jer 15.10 LXX (‘A man condemned and at variance (διακρινόµενον)’) with the key vocabulary of Jas 1.6–8:

Those who are completely unbelieving (τέλεον ἀπιστοῦσι) condemn him; those who do not disbelieve (οὐκ ἀπιστοῦσιν) but doubt him (ἀµφιβάλλουσι περὶ αὐτοῦ), they judge him (διακρίνονται περὶ αὐτοῦ). Jesus suffers two things among men: he is condemned by the unbelievers (ὑπὸ µὲν τῶν ἀπίστων καταδικάζεται), and he is judged by the double-minded (ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν διψύχων διακρίνεται) (Hom. Jer. 14.8.14–19).

Those who ‘doubt’ (ἀµφιβάλλω) Jesus are δίψυχοι, which Origen collocates with the verb διακρίνοµαι. Here, διακρίνοµαι and ἀµφιβάλλω are not synonyms (ἀπιστοῦσι/ἀµφιβάλλουσι are juxtaposed with διακρίνοµαι/καταδικάζω), but they do both express actions associated with the δίψυχοι.

(2) Nilus of Sinai (fourth century) paraphrases Jas 1.6–8: ὁ διακρινόµενος ἐν ταῖς προσευχαῖς καὶ διστάζων, ἀνήρ ἐστι δίψυχος, ‘the one who is divided in [his] prayers and doubts is a double-minded man’ (Epist. 3.167). The collocation of διακρίνοµαι and διστάζω may suggest a synonymous relation; at the very least, Nilus clearly associates the two.

(3) Cyril of Scythopolis (sixth century) writes that one who has faith can do all things if they preserve in faith ‘unwaveringly (ἀδίστακτος), not yielding to unbelief (ἀπιστία), but always renewing and strengthening himself (ἐνδυναµόω) in faith, µὴ διστάζων ἢ διακρινόµενος. For the διακρινόµενος is like a wave of the sea, blown and tossed by the wind, and so forth’ (Vita Euthymii 5.15). Cyril references Rom 4.20 (Abraham ‘strengthened (ἐνδυναµόω) himself in faith’) and Jas 1.6, again collocating διστάζω and διακρίνοµαι.Footnote 54

(4) Pseudo-Andrew (eighth century), in his Catena to James, quotes an extract from Hermas, Mand. 9 (quoted above) in a scholion to Jas 1.8, promoting a reading of James in light of Hermas’ discourse on δίψυχια, διστάζω and prayer.Footnote 55

(5) Theodore the Studite (eighth/ninth century), after quoting Jas 1.5–8, writes:

Therefore, let us not be double-minded (µὴ διψυχῶµεν), nor hesitate in our prayers (µηδὲ ἐνδοιάζωµεν ἐν ταῖς δεήσεσιν); but with thanksgiving and sincere faith, let our requests be made known to God, and we will certainly obtain what we desire (Scr. Eccl. Parva Catechesis 98.25–26).

(6) In Theophylact’s (eleventh century) exposition on the Letter of James, the commentator glosses διακρινόµενος with a synonym (διαστέλλω) and a reference to the TW tradition, substituting διψυχέω (‘to be of two minds’) for ἐνδοιάζω (‘to doubt’):

διακρινόµενος ἔστω, ὁ διαστέλλων ἑαυτὸν ἀπὸ βεβαίου πράγµατος, καὶ ἐνδοιάζων, εἰ ἔσται, ἢ µή.

Let him be [considered] a διακρινόµενος, who sets himself apart from matters that are certain, and doubts whether it will be or not (Exp. Ep. Jac. 1.7; PG 125: 323c).

The patristic reception of Jas 1.6–8 shows a clear correlation of the terms διακρίνοµαι and δίψυχος with the concept of doubt (διστάζω, ἀµφιβάλλω, ἐνδοιάζω). While none of these texts indisputably present διακρίνοµαι as a synonym for ‘doubt’, they clearly show that διακρίνοµαι (through its association with δίψυχος) is understood as belonging to a discourse in which ‘doubt’ is a central concept.Footnote 56

3.3. Διακρίνοµαι and Δίψυχος in Coptic Translation

The discursive connections between διακρίνοµαι, δίψυχος and the concept of ‘doubt’ become even more intertwined in the Coptic translation traditions. Coptic translators use ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ (‘two hearts’)Footnote 57 for δίψυχος and δίψυχοι in Jas 1.8 and 4.8 (Sa),Footnote 58 for δίψυχοι in 1 Clem 23.3 (Ach)Footnote 59 and for δίψυχε in Hermas Mand. 12.4.2 (Sa).Footnote 60 ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ also renders Sir 1.28 (LXX: ἐν καρδίᾳ δισσῇ), itself a possible reference to the Semitic idiom of the ‘double-heart’ (לבוב/שתי לבבות) that may stand behind the Greek term δίψυχος.Footnote 61 The Apocalypse of Elijah and the Gospel of the Lots of Mary both likely go back to Greek Vorlagen, and it seems reasonable to posit that their use of ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ is based on the δίψυχ- word group.Footnote 62

However, beyond its attestation as a rendering of a Greek loan word for ‘doublemindedness’, ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ took on the sense ‘to doubt’.Footnote 63 The Pistis Sophia describes how the soul of the prophet Elijah descended into the body of John the Baptist, yet the disciples ‘doubted (ⲣ̅ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ) now at that time’, not recognising that John was in fact Elijah (1.7).Footnote 64 In the Gospel of Mary, the disciples face the prospect of martyrdom with trepidation:

But they were grieved, they wept much, saying, ‘How shall we go to the nations and preach the gospel of the kingdom of the Son of Man? If they did not spare him, how will they spare us?’ Then Mary rose, she greeted them all, she said to her brothers, ‘Do not weep, and do not grieve, and do not doubt (ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ)! For his grace will be with you all and will protect you. Rather let us give thanks for his greatness, for he has prepared us’ (G. Mary 9.5–20).Footnote 65

In Apocryphon of John, John begins to feel uncertainty about the saviour when confronted by a pharisee; as he questions, a child appears to him in a vision, asking, ‘John, why do you doubt (ⲛ̅ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ)? Why are you afraid’ (21.15, BG 8502.2 (BCNH 35:66)).Footnote 66 The child assures John, ‘I have come to teach you. Understand my lessons; Share them with any others who have received the spirit.’Footnote 67 In the Middle Egyptian translation of Matt 14.31, διστάζω is rendered with the same idiom:

Matt 14.31

(Gk): ‘You of little faith, why did you doubt (τί ἐδίστασας)?’

(M): ‘You of little faith, why did you doubt (ϩⲁⲕⲣϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲉⲩ)?’Footnote 68

It is this connection between ‘doublemindedness’ and ‘doubt’ that results in the use of ⲣϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ in Coptic to translate διακρίνοµαι in Mark 11.23 (Sa); Matt 21.21 (Sa, M); Rom 4.20 (Sa); and Did 11.7 (Fa).

Mark 11.23

(Gk): ‘If he is not divided in his heart (µὴ διακριθῇ ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ), but rather believes (πιστεύῃ)…’.Footnote 69

(Sa): ‘If he does not doubt in his heart (ⲛϥⲧⲙⲣϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ ϩⲙ ⲡⲉϥϩⲏⲧ) but believes (ⲛϥⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ)…’.

Matt 21.21

(Gk): ‘If you have faith (πίστιν) and are not divided (µὴ διακριθῆτε)’.

(Sa): ‘If you have faith (ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲓⲥ) and do not doubt (ⲧⲙⲣϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ)’.

(M): ‘If you have faith (ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲓⲥ) and do not doubt (ⲛϩⲏⲧ ⲃ)’.Footnote 70

Rom 4.20

(Gk): ‘[Abraham] did not dispute (οὐ διεκρίθη) the promises of God in unbelief (τῇ ἀπιστίᾳ)’.Footnote 71

(Sa): ‘[Abraham] did not doubt (ⲙⲡϥⲣϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ) the promises of God in unbelief (ⲟⲩⲙⲛⲧⲁⲡⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥ).

Did 11.7

(Gk): ‘Do not test (οὐ πειράσετε) or condemn (οὐδὲ διακρινεῖτε) a prophet speaking in the Spirit’.Footnote 72

(Fa): ‘Do not test (ⲙ̅ⲡⲉⲣⲡⲓⲣⲁⲍⲉⲓⲛ) him or doubt (ⲡⲉⲣϩⲏⲧⲥⲛⲉⲟⲩ) him’.Footnote 73

The clear semantic associations between ‘doubt’ and ‘doublemindedness’ in the Coptic rendering of διακρίνοµαι help us understand the Latin translations of διακρίνοµαι as dubito and haesito in Mark 11.23, Matt 21.21, Rom 4.20, Acts 10.20 and Jas 1.6.Footnote 74 The oldest Latin version of the Shepherd of Hermas (Vulgata) likewise translates δίψυχος κτλ., διστάζω and διακρίνοµαι with dubitatio and dubito,Footnote 75 while the Doctrina Apostolorum renders διψυχέω with dubito.Footnote 76 In all these instances, we find translations that reflect an exegetical tradition that associates the terms διακρίνοµαι and δίψυχος with the concept of ‘doubt’. This association was made possible by the Christian transposition of the TW admonition against doublemindedness into the new context of prayer, as well as the influential pairing of the two Greek words in the Letter of James. While the reception of these texts had a significant influence on the Christian discourse of prayer, the Christian idiom had little effect on the broader use of διακρίνοµαι in post-classical Greek. It is only after Christianity had achieved cultural dominance that the sense of διακρίνοµαι as ‘doubt’ found its way into the major lexicons of the Byzantine period.Footnote 77

4. How Διακρίνοµαι Became ‘Doubt’: A Cognitive Linguistic Addendum

So far, my account of how διακρίνοµαι became ‘doubt’ has been carried out within a literary-historical framework, tracing the reception of textual traditions and their influence upon Christian discourse. In this final section, I switch from biblical scholar to linguist, in order to offer an analysis of the data from a cognitive linguistic perspective. After offering some basic background to cognitive linguistic theory and corpus-based approaches to lexicography, I show how the association between διακρίνοµαι and ‘doubt’ within the discourse of prayer can be accounted for from within a linguistic framework.

4.1. The Distributional Hypothesis

In the mid-1950s, the Structuralist linguist Zellig Harris (1909–1992) made an important observation about the relationship between word meaning and word context (or distribution):

If we consider words or morphemes A and B to be more different in meaning than A and C, then we will often find that the distributions of A and B are more different than the distributions of A and C. In other words, difference of meaning correlates with difference of distribution.Footnote 78

Harris’ insight (reformulated positively in terms of ‘similarity’) would come to be known as the ‘Distribution Hypothesis’: ‘Similarity of meaning correlates with similarity of distribution.’Footnote 79 Harris was thinking of paradigmatic relations (words one might typically find in a thesaurus: synonyms, hyponyms, etc.), but this could also be applied to syntagmatic relations (words that co-occur within a sentence, including co-hyponyms), as John Firth’s famous dictum articulates: ‘You shall know a word by the company it keeps.’Footnote 80 This means that word meaning can be explicated by analysing patterns of distribution; or in other words: ‘people learn how to use words by observing how words are used’.Footnote 81

The Distributional Hypothesis necessitated a radically different approach to the study of semantics, one grounded in the empirical analysis of natural language. If word meaning is correlated with word distribution within a corpus, then it would also be important to consider what went into one’s corpus (since an unrepresentative corpus could skew distributional patterns). But it also meant that different kinds of corpora could be analysed; if distributional patterns differ between linguistic corpora, this would open up new ways to study sublanguage discourse,Footnote 82 such as the difference between a lexeme’s distribution in post-classical Greek (its global distribution) versus the writings of Greek-speaking Christians (its distribution within a sublanguage).

4.2. Encyclopaedic Information

Structuralists like Harris understood semantic relations (mapped through distributional analysis) to ‘exhaust word meaning,’Footnote 83 to the exclusion of encyclopaedic information. This exclusion is traditional: ever since Frege’s (1848–1925) distinction between ‘sense’ and ‘reference’,Footnote 84 it has been common to discriminate between a word’s ‘dictionary meaning’ (its ‘sense’ or ‘denotation’) and ‘encyclopaedic meaning’ (cultural knowledge related to the word, but not part of its formal definition). The distinction seems intuitive; I do not need to know anything about the Apollo missions to correctly understand the sense of the word spacecraft. Thus, cultural knowledge of the Apollo missions can be characterised as encyclopaedic – non-essential to the ‘dictionary definition’ of the word. Yet despite its intuitiveness, the dictionary-encyclopaedia distinction is very difficult to maintain.Footnote 85 When does something stop being inherent to a word’s definition and become ancillary, ‘encyclopaedic’ information?

Cognitive linguist Ronald Langacker famously illustrated this with the word ‘banana’. What features should belong to its ‘dictionary’ definition? Information about its shape, colour, taste, smell? What about ‘more abstract domains of knowledge, that bananas are eaten, that they grow on trees, that they come from tropical areas’, that slipping on a banana skin is a classic schtick in comedy routines?Footnote 86 As it turns out, all such information about bananas is encyclopaedic – what matters for semantics is the saliency of the information for the linguistic community. That ‘bananas are eaten’ is likely a more salient feature of the lexeme ‘banana’ than their function in slapstick comedy. But there might exist linguistic communities that make use of the fruit for neither food nor comedy, in which case a whole different set of features will likely be more semantically salient. From this, it is important to grasp two things: (1) all semantic specifications are encyclopaedic; (2) the saliency of encyclopaedic information is relative to the use of the lexeme in linguistic communities (sublanguages).

4.3. A Cognitive Linguistic Explanation: Distributional Shift for Διακρίνοµαι in the Sublanguage

How does this account of semantics help explain how διακρίνοµαι became ‘doubt’?

Firstly: from the Distributional Hypothesis, we learn that a word is known ‘by the company it keeps’. In the Jewish TW tradition, the word διψυχέω κτλ. kept company with words from a judicial context (κρίνω, πρόσωπον λαµβάνειν, ἐλέγχω, παράπτωµα). In the tradition’s Christian reception, δίψυχος would keep new company with a set of words relating to prayer and doubt. This new distributional pattern for δίψυχος in the Christian sublanguage resulted in doubt becoming a more salient encyclopaedic association for the lexeme.

Secondly: if ‘people learn how to use words by observing how words are used’, then the meaning of διακρίνοµαι is shaped by its collocation with δίψυχος (a collocation first attested in James, subsequently influencing patristic reception). Readers within this sublanguage were able to infer a new semantic relation between the two lexemes where one had not previously existed. At first, this may have been a loose co-hyponymy, ‘division’ and ‘double-minded’ being related terms to the superordinate category of doubt. Yet the reception and translation of διακρίνοµαι shows that at some point, readers began to infer a synonymous relation between the two terms. This explains why we find Greek authors collocating διακρίνοµαι and διστάζω (e.g., Nilus of Sinai), Latin authors rendering διακρίνοµαι as dubito and haesito, and Coptic authors translating διακρίνοµαι as ⲣϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ (‘to be of two minds’ = to doubt).

Finally: this corpus-based approach to semantics is attentive to the diachronic idiosyncrasies of sublanguage discourse. The distributional patterns of διακρίνοµαι within the shifting contexts of early Christian discourse influence the saliency of the various encyclopaedic specifications associated with the lexeme. For some Christians, the concept of doubt was a particularly salient feature. For the wider linguistic environment (post-classical Greek), it was not, and other concepts remained more salient (divide, distinguish, judge, etc.). It was only once the Christian sublanguage achieved cultural dominance that we find the new sense of διακρίνοµαι attested more broadly (such as in the Byzantine lexicons).

So then, from a cognitive linguistic perspective, the historical data for διακρίνοµαι can be accounted for in terms of a distributional shift in the sublanguage.

5. Conclusion

Διακρίνοµαι did not mean ‘doubt’ in post-classical Greek. The notion of a ‘special NT meaning’ for the word remains a historiographical oddity of New Testament philology. But the rendering of διακρίνοµαι as dubito and haesito was not an ex nihilo creation by the Latin translators of the New Testament. Rather, it was the result of an exegetical tradition, specifically, a Christian discourse about prayer that associated δίψυχος and διακρίνοµαι with the concept of doubt. By tracing the reception and development of this discourse through literary-historical and linguistic methods, I hope to have modelled a mode of interdisciplinary analysis that situates New Testament lexicography at the interface of Biblical Studies and Linguistics.

Acknowledgements

Many thanks to Simon Gathercole, Jonathon Lookadoo, Jason Wendel and Judson Greene for reading and commenting on an earlier version of this article.

Competing interests

The author declares none.

Funding statement

This research was supported by the University of Cambridge Harding Distinguished Postgraduate Scholars Programme.

References

1 James Diggle, The Cambridge Greek Lexicon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021) 339–40.

2 Peter Spitaler, ‘Διακρíνεσθαι in Mt. 21:21, Mk. 11:23, Acts 10:20, Rom. 4:20, 14:23, Jas. 1:6, and Jude 22—the “Semantic Shift” That Went Unnoticed by Patristic Authors’, NovT 49 (2007) 1–39; Stanley E. Porter and Chris S. Stevens, ‘Doubting BDAG on Doubt: A Lexical Examination of διακρίνω and its Theological Ramifications’, Filología Neotestamentaria 30 (2017) 43–70; Benjamin Schliesser, Zweifel: Phänomene des Zweifels und der Zweiseeligkeit im frühen Christentum (WUNT 500; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2023) 34–9.

3 Benjamin Schliesser, ‘“Abraham Did not ‘Doubt’ in Unbelief” (Rom. 4:20): Faith, Doubt, and Dispute in Paul’s Letter to the Romans’, JTS 63 (2012) 492–522, at 512.

4 All taken from the NRSV.

5 Friedrich Büchsel and V Herntrich, ‘κρίνω, κτλ.’, TWNT (10 vols; ed. G. Kittel and G. Friedrich; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1965) 3.920–55, at 951.

6 Adolf Deissman, Bible Studies: Contributions Chiefly from Papyri and Inscriptions to the History of the Language, the Literature, and the Religion of Hellenistic Judaism and Primitive Christianity (trans. Alexander Grieve; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 19092).

7 See John A. L. Lee, A History of New Testament Lexicography (Studies in Biblical Greek 8; New York: Peter Lang, 2003) 139–154 for the dogged historiography of New Testament lexicography, particularly the reliance of BDAG on earlier lexicons (such as Preuschen). Although Lee hails Johannes Louw and Eugene Nida’s Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament based on Semantic Domains (New York: United Bible Societies, 19882) as a ‘breakthrough’ (Lee, Lexicography, 155), major theoretical and methodological issues seriously undercut this lexicon’s claims to linguistic rigour. See Ryder A. Wishart, ‘Hierarchical and Distributional Lexical Field Theory: A Critical and Empirical Development of Louw and Nida’s Semantic Domain Model’, International Journal of Lexicography 31 (2018) 394–419 and Nicholas List, ‘How Can We Investigate Ancient Greek Categories Without the Influence of Our Own? Exploring Kinship Terminology Using Word2Vec’, International Journal of Lexicography 35 (2022) 137–52.

8 In addition to notes 2 and 3 above, see especially Norbert Baumert, ‘Das paulinische Wortspiel mit κριν–’, Filología Neotestamentaria 15 (2002) 19–64; David Degraaf, ‘Some Doubts about Doubt: The New Testament Use of ΔΙΑΚΡΙΝΩ’, JETS 48 (2005) 733–55; Peter Spitaler, ‘Doubt or Dispute (Jude 9 and 22–23): Rereading a Special New Testament Meaning through the Lense of Internal Evidence’, Biblica 87 (2006) 201–22; Peter Spitaler, ‘Household Disputes in Rome (Romans 14:1–15:13)’, RevBib 116 (2009) 44–69; Peter Spitaler, ‘James 1:5–8: A Dispute with God’, CBQ 71 (2009) 560–79; Peter Spitaler, ‘Doubting in Acts 10:27?’, Filología neotestamentaria 20 (2007) 81–93; Douw G. Breed, ‘Mēden diakrinomenos in Handelinge 10:20 as entscheidenden Wendepunkt-voorskrif van die Gees’, In die Skriflig 47 (2013) 1–9.

9 I prefer the rendering of διακρίνοµαι in Acts 10.20 as ‘distinguish’ (Richard Bauckham, ‘James, Peter, and the Gentiles’, The Missions of James, Peter, and Paul: Tensions in Early Christianity (ed. Bruce D. Chilton and Craig A. Evans; NovTSup 115; Leiden: Brill, 2004) 91–142, at 105) rather than ‘dispute’ (Spitaler, ‘Doubting in Acts’). Below, I offer my own reading of διακρίνοµαι in Jas 1.6, which also differs from Spitaler, ‘Dispute with God’, and (to a lesser extent) Schliesser, Zweifel, 267–86.

10 Latin sigla: V: Vulgate; C: ‘Later African texts related to K’, an ‘old text from Carthage at the time of Cyprian’; A: ‘readings either peculiar to Augustine, or first attested by him’; S: Old Spanish text; F: Text of Ms. 66. See Barbara Aland et al., Novum testamentum graecum, Editio Critica Maior. Vol. 4.2: Die Katholischen Briefe/Catholic Letters (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 20132) 63–4.

11 Dubito: ‘to be in doubt (on a question of fact, etc.)’, ‘to be in doubt (with regard to a proposed course of action, etc.)’ (OLD), from Proto-Indo-European *dwi- (‘two’) and *bʰuH- (‘to be’) (Michiel de Vaan, Etymological Dictionary of Latin and the other Italic Languages (Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series 7; Leiden: Brill, 2008) 180). Haesito could mean ‘to stick, be hold fast’, and relatedly, ‘to move hesitatingly or falteringly’ (derived from haereo; see de Vaan, Etymological Dictionary, 279); this resulted in the metaphorical extension: ‘to be undecided, hesitate, doubt’ (OLD), and thus could be used as a synonym for dubito.

12 Spitaler, ‘Διακρíνεσθαι’, 37 (emphasis original).

13 Dale C. Allison, James: A Critical and Exegetical Commentary (ICC; New York: Bloomsbury/ T&T Clark, 2013) 181.

14 Dale C. Allison, ‘Eldad and Modad’, JSP 21 (2011) 99–131, at 101–26. See also Richard Bauckham, ‘Eldad and Modad’, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha: More Non-Canonical Scriptures (ed. Richard Bauckham, J. Davila, A. Panayotov; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2013) 244–54; Nicholas List, ‘Δίψυχος: Moving beyond Intertextuality’, NTS 67 (2021) 85–104, at 92–3.

15 Allison, ‘Eldad and Modad’, 112; Bauckham, ‘Eldad and Modad’, 250–1.

16 Trans. Allison, James, 588.

17 Allison, ‘Eldad and Modad’, 113; Bauckham, ‘Eldad and Modad’, 250.

18 Hermas, Mand. 9.5: ‘Those who doubt God are doubleminded (οἱ γὰρ διστάζοντες εἰς τὸν θεόν, οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ δίψυχοι)’.

19 1 Clem 11.2: ‘Those who are doubleminded and who doubt the power of God enter into judgment’ (οἱ δίψυχοι καὶ οἱ διστάζοντες περὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ δυνάµεως εἰς κρίµα).

20 Allison, James, 180–1; cf. Allison, ‘Eldad and Modad’, 131.

21 Much of Allison’s analysis (‘Eldad and Modad’, 107–11) is spent rebutting M. R. James’ critique of J. B. Lightfoot, who was the first to propose Eldad and Modad as the source of 1 Clem 23.2/2 Clem 11.2. See J. B. Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers: Clement, Ignatius, and Polycarp, Part One: Clement (London/New York: Macmillan, 1889) 80–1; M. R. James, The Lost Apocrypha of the Old Testament: Their Titles and Fragments (London: SPCK, 1920) 38–40.

22 Allison, ‘Eldad and Modad’, 111.

23 Allison, ‘Eldad and Modad’, 111.

24 Allison, ‘Eldad and Modad’, 111.

25 Nicholas List, ‘The Death of James the Just Revisited’, JECS 32 (2024) 17–44, at 31, in context, evaluating scholarly attempts to identify the source of Pseudo-Clementine, Rec. 1.27–71 with a named work.

26 Compare:

*Jas 4.5b: πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἐπιποθεῖ τὸ πνεῦµα (ὃ κατῴκισεν ἐν ἡµῖν).

Ps 41.2 LXX: οὕτως ἐπιποθεῖ ἡ ψυχή µου πρὸς σέ, ὁ θεός.

Ps 41.3 LXX: ἐδίψησεν ἡ ψυχή µου πρὸς τὸν θεὸν.

On this reading, ψυχή is substituted for πνεῦµα, while ὃ κατῴκισεν ἐν ἡµῖν becomes James’ interpretive gloss. τὸν θεὸν becomes the direct object of πρὸς, as it is in Ps 41.3 LXX. Note also Severian of Gabala (fl. ca 400 ce), whose comments seem to support the reading: ‘What this means is that the Spirit in us tends toward fellowship with God (πρὸς θεόν). He turns us away from the love of the world and gives us ever more grace’ (Scholion 4.12 to Jas 4.5). See Ryan D. Wettlaufer, No Longer Written: The Use of Conjectural Emendation in the Restoration of the Text of the New Testament, the Epistle of James as a Case Study (NTTSD 44; Leiden: Brill, 2013) 125–57.

27 Timothy A. Gabrielson, ‘Identifying a Mysterious “Scripture”: Romans 4:6 as Further Evidence That James 4:5–6 Is a Gloss of Proverbs 3:34’, CBQ 83 (2021) 276–93.

28 While scholars have been unable to identify the source of the citation, similar wording appears in the Dialogue of Jason and Papiscus: ‘Jason answered, “In this way, God commanded this through Moses, saying (ὁ θεὸς ἐνετείλατο διὰ τοῦ Μωυσέως λέγων): Behold! I am making the last things just as the first (ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ ποιῶ τὰ ἔσχατα ὡς τὰ πρῶτα)”’ (apud Sophronius, Homily on the Feast of the Circumcision; Sinaiticus graecus 1807, folio 6 verso, ln. 9–10). Harry Tolley, ‘The Jewish-Christian Dialogue Jason and Papiscus in Light of the Sinaiticus Fragment’, HTR 114 (2021): 1–26, at 14 is right that this ‘indicates that Barnabas used the quote in the same way: as a quotation of what the author believed to be Mosaic material’.

29 Compare also Acts 1, where reference is made to scripture (ἡ γραφή) in verse 16, but the scripture in question (Pss 69.25 and 109.8) is not explicitly cited until verse 20, where another citation formula (γέγραπται γὰρ ἐν βίβλῳ ψαλµῶν) re-introduces the scriptural quotations.

30 Gabrielson, ‘Scripture’, 284–5.

31 Cf. Scholion 4.10 to Jas 4:5–6, which refers to Jas 4.5b–6a as a ‘digression’: ‘Then, making a digression (µεταξυλογία), he says, “The spirit that came to live in you yearns, it gives a greater grace”’). See Martin C. Albl, The Catena to James: Reading the Letter of James in the Ancient Greek Commentary Tradition (TENTS 17; Leiden: Brill, 2024) 170–1.

32 Allison, James, 181 n.131. He conjectures (ibid.): ‘Did someone use the word to translate the Aramaic קפס which can mean both “divide” and (in the passive) “divided in opinion”, that is, “doubtful”?’

33 The Doctrina Apostolorum is a later Latin text that preserves a form of the Jewish Greek TW that pre-dates the Didache and Barnabas. See Huub van de Sandt, ‘Doctrina Apostolorum’, Brill Encyclopedia of Early Christianity Online (ed. David G. Hunter, Paul J. J. van Geest and Bert-Jan Lietaert Peerbolte; Leiden: Brill, 2018) s.v.

34 Modified slightly from Huub van de Sandt and David Flusser, The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and its Place in Early Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002) 129.

35 John S. Kloppenborg, ‘Didache 1.1–6.1, James, Matthew, and the Torah’, Trajectories through the New Testament and the Apostolic Fathers (ed. Andrew F. Gregory and C. M. Tuckett; The New Testament and the Apostolic Fathers; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005) 193–221, at 204. Διπλοκαρδία is also attested in the TW sections (Did 5.1; Barn 20.1; omitted in Doctr. Apost. 5.1), as well as δίγνωµων and δίγλωσσος (Did 2.4; Barn 19.7). Διψύχων appears in the title of a fragment of Philo (frag. 2.662 Mangey), preserved in John Damascene, who is the likely source of the term. See Oscar J. F. Seitz, ‘Antecedents and Signification of the Term ΔΙΨΥΧΟΣ’, JBL 66 (1947) 211–19, at 218–19.

36 Kurt Niederwimmer, The Didache: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1998) 107: ‘In context, only one interpretation seems probable: this sentence could refer to the scruples of a judge who does not dare to decide or regrets the decision that has been reached.’

37 Kloppenborg, ‘Didache’, 205. The Georgian version places Did 4.4 into a context of eschatological judgement: ‘In this also you shall not doubt: whether the judgement of God will come upon all human beings according to their works’ (cited in Niederwimmer, Didache, 106–7). However, the Georgian version of the Didache is no longer extant; all we have of it now is ‘a very late, modern translation’ (Niederwimmer, Didache, 27).

38 We have seen that the unnamed source of 1 Clem 23.3 and 2 Clem 11.2 connects διψυχέω with διστάζω in a context concerning unfulfilled prophecy. If the Christian transposition of διψυχ- language in contexts of prayer follows this source, our current data is too underdetermined to trace the connection.

39 Alistair C. Stewart, The Apostolic Church Order: The Greek Text Edited and Translated with an Introduction and Notes (Early Christian Studies 10; Sydney: SCD Press, 2021) 151.

40 Cf. Stewart, Apostolic Church Order, 182.

41 Apoc. Elijah is likely a third-century Christian composition (its earliest witness is a fourth-century Achmimic ms, BnF Copte 135.12–25 + P.Berol. 1862.1–8). While earlier scholarship tended to argue that Apoc. Elijah in its present form is a Christianisation of a Jewish original, Ivan Miroshnikov and Alexey Somov, ‘A New Look at Enoch and Elijah in the Apocalypse of Elijah’, Christian Discourse in Late Antiquity: Hermeneutical, Institutional and Textual Perspectives (ed. Anna Usacheva and Anders-Christian Jacobsen; Leiden: Brill, 2020) 197–223 have argued convincingly for the unity of the Christian work. See also David Frankfurter, Elijah in Upper Egypt: The Apocalypse of Elijah and Early Egyptian Christianity (Studies in Antiquity and Christianity; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993).

42 Trans. Orval S. Wintermute, ‘Apocalypse of Elijah: A New Translation and Introduction’, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha: Volume 1: Apocalyptic Literature & Testaments (ed. James H. Charlesworth; Garden City: Doubleday, 1983) 721–53, at 739, following Sa3 (Albert Pietersma, Susan Turner Comstock and Harold W. Attridge, The Apocalypse of Elijah. Based on P. Chester Beatty 2018 (Ann Arbor: Scholars Press, 1981) 26–7); see also Sa1: ⲛ̅ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ (Georg Steindorff, Die Apokalypse des Elias: Eine unbekannte Apokalypse und Bruchstücke der Sophonias-Apokalypse (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1899) 114–5); and Ach: ⲛ̅ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲟ (Steindorff, Apokalypse des Elias, 74).

43 Cf. Acts Phil. (Xenophotos 32 A) 5.20.3: µακάριος ὁ µὴ ὢν δίψυχος (CCSA 11:163).

44 Numerous parallels between the Pseudo-Ignatian letters and the Apostolic Constitutions have supported the theory that both texts were authored by the same person. See F.-X. Funk, Die Apostolischen Konstitutionen: Ein literar-historische Untersuchung (Rottenburg: Verlag von Wilhelm Bader, 1891) 281–315; Dieter Hagedorn, Der Hiobkommentar des Arianers Julian (PTS 14; De Gruyter: Berlin, 1973) xxxvii–xli.

45 Carolyn Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1999) 132.

46 Cf. Hermas, Vis. 12.3: τοὺς διψύχους, τοὺς διαλογιζοµένους ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις αὐτῶν εἰ ἄρα ἔστιν ταῦτα ἢ οὐκ ἔστιν.

47 For critical text and translation, see AnneMarie Luijendijk, Forbidden Oracles?: The Gospel of the Lots of Mary (STAC 89; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014).

48 Cf. Oracle 11 and 30: ‘Trust in the God and do not be of two minds’ (ⲕⲁϩⲧⲏⲕ ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲅ̅ ⲧⲙ̅ⲣ̅ϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ).

49 AnneMarie Luijendijk, ‘“Only Do Not Be of Two Minds”: Doubt in Christian Lot Divination’, My Lots are in Thy Hands: Sortilege and its Practitioners in Late Antiquity Religions in the Graeco-Roman World (ed. AnneMarie Luijendijk and William E. Klingshirn; RGRW 188; Leiden: Brill, 2019) 309–29, at 318.

50 Luijendijk, ‘Doubt’, 327.

51 See n.38 above. For a different example, see Shenoute the Great (ca. 347–465), who applies the language of ‘doublemindedness’ to those who do not take the Eucharist: ‘And woe unto you, if you do not go [to the church], and if you do not partake of the holy mystery, since you are of two minds (ⲛϩⲏⲧ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ)’ (trans. David Brakke and Andrew Crislip, Selected Discourses of Shenoute the Great: Community, Theology, and Social Conflict in Late Antique Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015) 40).

52 Jas 4.3: ‘You do not have because you do not ask; you ask but do not receive, because you ask wrongly, that you might spend it on your passions.’

53 The TW warns against division (σχίσµα), partiality (πρόσωπον λαµβάνειν) and double-mindedness (διψυχέω), along with the admonition to ‘judge’ (κρίνω) justly (Doctr. Apost. 4.3–4; Did 4.3–4; Barn 19.4–5, 11b–12a). James warns against ‘being divided’ (διακρινόµενος, 1.6), ‘double-minded’ (δίψυχος, 1.8, 4.8), ‘showing partiality’ (προσωποληµψία, 2.1), ‘making divisions’ (διεκρίθητε) between rich and poor and being ‘judges with evil thoughts’ (κριταὶ διαλογισµῶν πονηρῶν, 2.4; cf. Did 5.2). However, this ethic is rooted in Lev 19.15: Οὐ ποιήσετε ἄδικον ἐν κρίσει· οὐ λήµψῃ πρόσωπον πτωχοῦ οὐδὲ θαυµάσεις πρόσωπον δυνάστου, ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ κρινεῖς τὸν πλησίον σου. Since James clearly draws upon themes of Leviticus 19 throughout the Letter, it would seem that both James and the TW source belong to a similar socio-religious milieu (including 1 Peter, Didache, Pseudo-Phocylides). See Luke T. Johnson, ‘The Use of Leviticus 19 in the Letter of James’, JBL 101 (1982) 391–401; Kloppenborg, ‘Didache’; Darian Lockett, ‘The Use of Leviticus 19 in James and 1 Peter: A Neglected Parallel’, CBQ 82 (2020) 456–72.

54 Spitaler, ‘Διακρíνεσθαι’, 20 discusses other passages from Cyril, but not this one.

55 Albl, Catena to James, 122–5.

56 Beyond the patristic reception of Jas 1.6–8, the collocation of διακρίνοµαι and Greek terms for ‘doubt’ is broadly attested: Basil of Caesarea (4th cent.), Regulae morales 8; PG 31:240c (οὐ δεῖ διακρίνεσθαι καὶ διστάζειν), Epist. 197.2; PG 32:289c (µηδεὶς διακρινέσθω, µηδεὶς ἀµφιβαλλέτω); Nicetas of Paphlagonia (9/10th cent.) Orat. 4; PG 105:60b (οὐκ ἐδίστασας τῇ φωνῇ, οὐ διεκρίθης πρὸς τὴν µαρτυρίαν).

57 ϩⲏⲧ = ‘heart, mind’ (W. E. Crum, A Coptic Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1939) 714a; Jaroslav Černý, Coptic Etymological Dictionary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976) 296); ⲥⲛⲁⲩ = ‘two’ (cardinal) (Crum, Coptic Dictionary, 346b).

58 References to Sa follow George W. Horner, The Coptic Version of the New Testament in the Southern Dialect, otherwise called Sahidic and Thebaic (Oxford: Clarendon, 1924).

59 MS orient, fol. 3065; Carl Schmid, Der erste Clemensbrief in altkoptischer Übersetzung (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1908) 71.

60 BnF Copte 1305 f. 129; L. Th. Lefort, Les Pères apostoliques en copte (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium; Louvain: L. Durbecq, 1952) 19.

61 See List, ‘Δίψυχος’, 95–7; although cf. Schliesser, Zweifel, 42–3.

62 On a Greek Vorlage for G. Lots Mary, see Luijendijk, Gospel of the Lots of Mary, 14; for Apoc. Elijah, a Greek fragment (PSI 1.7) suggests an originally Greek composition, although Hugo Lundhaug, ‘The Apocalypse of Elijah in the Context of Coptic Apocrypha’, The Chester Beatty Biblical Papyri at Ninety (ed. Garrick V. Allen et al.; Manuscripta Biblica 10; Berlin: De Gruyter, 2023) 161–74, at 165 does not think this is definitive.

63 Cf. Crum, Coptic Dictionary, 714b.

64 Pistis Sophia (ed. Karl Schmidt; trans. Violet MacDermot; The Coptic Gnostic Library; Leiden: Brill, 1978) 13.

65 Sarah Parkhouse, Eschatology and the Saviour: The Gospel of Mary among Early Christian Dialogue Gospels (SNTSMS 176; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019) 248–9.

66 Cf. Acts Phil. (Xenophotos 32 A) 5.16.3: µὴ φοβηθῇς, µηδὲ διψυχήσῃς (CCSA 11:159).

67 Less clear (both in reconstruction and sense) is Testimony of Truth 37.9 (NH IX, 3; BCNH 23): ‘They do not know the power of God, nor do they understand the interpretation of the scriptures, on account of their double-mindedness (ⲙ̅ⲛ̅ⲧϩ̀ [ⲏ]ⲧ̀ⲥⲛ[ⲁⲩ])’.

68 Codex Scheide (Princeton, University Library: M 144); Hans-Martin Schenke, Das Matthäus-Evangelium im Mittelägyptischen Dialekt des Koptischen (Codex Scheide) (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1981) 88.

69 Degraaf, ‘Doubts about Doubt’, 744–9.

70 Codex Schøyen MS 2650; Hans-Martin Schenke, Das Matthäus-Evangelium im mittelägyptischen Dialekt des Koptischen (Codex Schøyen) (Oslo: Hermes, 2001) 126.

71 Schliesser, ‘Abraham Did not ‘Doubt’’.

72 The Apostolic Fathers (trans. Bart Ehrman; LCL; Cambridge/London: Harvard University Press, 2003).

73 Br. Mus. Or. 9271, col. 2, ln. 11–12; F. Stanley Jones and Paul A. Mirecki, ‘Considerations on the Coptic Papyrus of the Didache (British Library Oriental Manuscript 9271)’, The Didache in Context: Essays on Its Text, History, and Transmission (ed. Clayton N. Jefford; NovTSup 77; Leiden: Brill, 1995) 47–87, at 54–5.

74 See §2 above.

75 For dating of the Vulgata, see The Shepherd of Hermas in Latin: Critical Edition of the Oldest Translation Vulgata (ed. Christian Tornau and Paolo Cecconi; TUGAL 173; Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014) 7–8. For some examples of translation choices, see Mand. 2.6 (µηθὲν διακρίνων, nihil dubitando), 9.1 (διψυχία, dubitatio; διψυχέω, dubito), 9.2 (ἀδιστάκτως, sine dubitatione); Sim. 5.4.3 (διστάζω, dubito). Cf. Schliesser, Zweifel, 38.

76 Doctr. Apost. 4.4: nec dubitabis; Did 4.4: οὐ διψυχήσεις; Barn 19.4: οὐ µὴ διψυχήσῃς.

77 Photius Lexicon Δ 351 (διακρίνεται· ἀµφιβάλλει, ἀπιστεῖ, διαχωρίζεται); repeated in the Suda Δ 606.

78 Zellig S. Harris, ‘Distributional Structure’, Word 10 (1954) 146–62, at 156.

79 Cécile Fabre and Alessandro Lenci, ‘Distributional Semantics Today: Introduction to the Special Issue’, Traitement Automatique des Langues 56 (2015) 7–20, at 8.

80 John R. Firth, A Synopsis of Linguistic Theory (London: Longmans, 1957) 11.

81 George A. Miller and Walter G. Charles, ‘Contextual Correlates of Semantic Similarity’, Language and Cognitive Processes 6 (1991) 1–28, at 4.

82 Naomi Sager, ‘Sublanguage: Linguistic Phenomenon, Computational Tool’, Analyzing Language in Restricted Domains: Sublanguage Description and Processing (ed. Ralph Grishman and Richard Kittredge; Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum Associate, 1986) 1–18, at 2: ‘Informally, we can define a sublanguage as the language used by a particular community of speakers, say, those concerned with a particular subject matter or those engaged in a specialized occupation.’

83 Nick Riemer, ‘Lexical Decomposition’, The Routledge Handbook of Semantics (ed. Nick Riemer; London: Routledge, 2015) 213–32, at 215: ‘For this tradition of research, semantic relations exhaust word meaning: there just is nothing more to the meaning of a word than the semantic relations it holds to other words.’

84 G. Frege, ‘Sense and Reference’, The Philosophical Review 57 (1948 [1892]) 209–30.

85 Nick Riemer, Introducing Semantics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010) 103.

86 Ronald W. Langacker, Foundations of Cognitive Grammar (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987) 154.