[fo. 1] Cleopatra at sea, November 1^st, 1836

From October 7^th until the 23^rd I was leading my usual life at Buenos Ayres. I find that I have made considerable progress in Spanish […] While living at Buenos Ayres, and counting upon at least another month before it could come to my turn to be relieved, the Imogene Footnote ⁴³² a ship of the same class as the Cleopatra suddenly appeared on the 23^rd October; I immediately went on board and found the Captain (Bruce)Footnote ⁴³³ had brought me letters and orders from the Admiral, and that the Imogene was to take my place in the river, and to execute these orders I am now on my way; they are to proceed to the Falkland Islands and there to be guided by about three sheets of instructions sent from the Admiralty […]

[fo. 2] It was, I must own, very unexpected and not agreeable to find myself ordered from a place where I had made so many friends, and to pass three months in exploring uninhabited Islands. Mandeville and all my friends pitied me, especially as these islands are looked upon by the Buenos Ayreians as a sort of Botany Bay, having been used by the Spaniards as a place for convicts; however, I have no dislike for the Service; active employment I always wished for.

On the 29^th we weighed anchor from Buenos Ayres: for the few days that remained for me after receiving my orders, I had been busy in hunting out all the information I could get respecting ‘Las islas Malvinas’. I said ‘good-bye’ to all my friends, of my men friends there was none that I felt so sorry to part with as Streleski, [for] I had seen him almost every day for the last six weeks, and a most friendly, good fellow I have found him; I trust, however, we shall meet again.

He intends setting out for Chili in about a month, crossing the Pampas and Cordillera; he goes in company with the Swedish Captain (Gosselman)Footnote ⁴³⁴ in the Navy, who has come here in the Imogene […] We remained only a few hours at Monte Video and by midnight of the 30^th we were out of the River Plate.

The wind to-day is fair, and so far our usual luck has attended us, but I suppose we are going to the most stormy [fo. 3] latitude in the world. I have made every preparation and although hoping for fine weather, I have no fear of the little craft, if it blows till it can blow no harder.

Port Louis, November 30^th 1836.

The Falkland Islands […] consist of two principal islands called East and West Falklands, between which there is a navigable channel. These two larger islands are surrounded by upwards of 150 smaller ones[,] many of which are scarcely more than rocks. There are many disputes as to who was the first discoverer of the Falklands: DavisFootnote ⁴³⁵ an associate of CavendishFootnote ⁴³⁶ was driven by stress of weather among Islands exactly answering to them in description and position; this was about the year 1592; they were visited afterwards by ‘Hawkins’;Footnote ⁴³⁷ and in 1690 [by] a Navigator of the name of ‘Strong’Footnote ⁴³⁸ and he sailed between the two Islands and from him they were called Falkland […]

Early in the last century, about 1710 or 15, some of the Ships [fo. 4] from St. MalvesFootnote ⁴³⁹ bound to the Pacific passed near these islands and from this they took the name of ‘Malonines’, which name, changed into Spanish is ‘Malvenas’ and is the Spanish name to this day.

Lord AnsonFootnote ⁴⁴⁰ in his voyage round the world had called the attention of the English government to them, as being so advantageously situated as a port of refit for vessels bound round Cape Horn and exposed to the tempests of that sea. In 1764 their situation and the advantage that might be derived from their occupation seemed to have struck both the Governments of England and France; from the latter country an expedition sailed under the command of Monsieur de Boguinville,Footnote ⁴⁴¹ and in 1764 this person landed with a number of Colonists and formed an Establishment in Port Louis.Footnote ⁴⁴² In late 1764 the Spanish Government claimed the Islands as belonging to her portion of America; DeBoguinville on receiving an indemnity abandoned the colony.Footnote ⁴⁴³ In January 1765 Commodore ByronFootnote ⁴⁴⁴ had been ordered to take possession of the Falklands, in the name of George III. The Union Jack was hoisted, and certain formalities gone through, they were declared British Possessions on the right belonging to first discovery.

In consequence of this a small English settlement was formed under the direction of a Captain MacBrideFootnote ⁴⁴⁵ in 1767 at a place called Port EgmontFootnote ⁴⁴⁶ on West Falkland.

In 1770 our colony was attacked and obliged to surrender to a Spanish force[;]Footnote ⁴⁴⁷ this nearly led to a war between England and Spain, but the Spanish Government disavowing the act of her [fo. 5] Viceroy at Buenos Ayres restored Port Egmont and, it has always been supposed, with the secret proviso, that England was to abandon the Island upon the plea that the Establishment was not worth the expense; whether this be true or not, the English force was withdrawn in 1774 and the accounts given by Captain MacBrideFootnote ⁴⁴⁸ were such as to leave the impression that no Colony could ever exist on such Islands so barren and exposed to such continual gales of wind […]

The Spaniards having thus got rid of both English and French intruders, placed the Islands under the Government of the Viceroy of Buenos Ayres, with directions, that a small garrison should be kept there, which consisted generally of the crew of a Man of War, whose Captain was also Governor. The vessel, a corvette, generally remained at anchor at Port Louis, and […] [t]he Captain of the Corvette and his Officers received double pay to make amends for this banishment; the establishment took the name of ‘Soledad’ by which it is still called at Buenos Ayres.

Either in 1811 or 12, the Provinces of the River Plate having declared their independence, the Spanish garrison was withdrawn and for a number of years there appeared to have been no inhabitants at all, and no nation claiming authority.

In 1820 a ‘man-of-war’ was sent to Port Louis from Buenos Ayres, where the Captain of her hoisting the Flag of that Republic, declared the Islands to belong to it.

American and English sealing vessels had been in the habit [fo. 6] of frequenting the Falklands for the sake of the fur seals which abound and whose skins are very valuable.

Cattle were originally brought from Monte Video by DeBoguinville and on the withdrawal of the French Colonists, were allowed to run wild and having increased so much, that at present there are nearer 30 than 20 thousand head on East Falkland.

Soon after this the Buenos Ayres Government sent a Commandante, and in 1822, Mr. Luis Vernet,Footnote ⁴⁴⁹ a German, got permission from that government to form a settlement at Port Louis with the right of killing the cattle. Those associated with him in the enterprise became discouraged from some unlucky losses of vessels with horses: he, however, struggled on and was rewarded for his perseverance. In 1828 the Government of Buenos Ayres conceded to him almost an entire private possession of the Islands, with the right of warning off all vessels from the fishery; to give him more power he was invested with an official character, and styled ‘Governor of Malvinas’.Footnote ⁴⁵⁰

In 1830, by his own account, […] this Colony of Port Louis was advancing rapidly in improvement, merchant vessels of all nations calling there on their way around Cape Horn. The number of inhabitants exceeded 100, out of which there were 20 Gauchos employed in catching cattle […] [fo. 7] Hides, Jacked Beef,Footnote ⁴⁵¹ and Dried Fish together with the oil from the seal and whale fishery formed the exports from the little Colony. Merchant vessels also called at Barclay Sound for a supply of fresh meat […] Mr. Vernet declared that all were contented, but an old Gaucho, who still lives here, informed me that there was much discontent among the settlers, who were mostly Spaniards; there were, however, three Englishmen and two German families.

The cause of discontent appears to have originated in Mr. Vernet's not allowing a free competition in the purchase of articles brought by the merchant vessels, on which the Colonists depended for many necessaries. Mr. Vernet had adopted the plan of only paying the men employed by him in paper money. By buying the articles most in demand, he re-sold them to the Gauchos and other settlers at an exorbitant profit; of the truth of this story I have no doubt, as the old Gaucho […] has shown me some of this paper money, which he has still in his possession, and is useless as Mr. Vernet has long been a bankrupt.

In 1829 Mr. Vernet had warned off an American Sealing Schooner […] [T]he same vessel returning in 1831, he seized her crew and sent them [as] prisoners to Buenos Ayres, detaining the vessel as a prize.Footnote ⁴⁵² An American Corvette, the Lexington Footnote ⁴⁵³ (Capt. Duncan),Footnote ⁴⁵⁴ was at anchor in the River Plate when this occurred; he forwarded at once to Barclay Sound, and affecting the whole establishment as illegal, and Mr. Vernet as a pirate, landed his boats armed, and most wantonly destroyed the Colony […] Mr. Vernet, luckily for himself, was absent, but Mr. Brisbane,Footnote ⁴⁵⁵ [fo. 8] an Englishman and in charge of the property[,] was carried prisoner, with some others, to Buenos Ayres, where they were landed. (The United States Consul taking part with Capt. Duncan and not content with the satisfaction they had already taken, demanded an apology and full indemnification for the loss sustained by the Capt. of the Sealing Schooner.)

The United States sent an agent to Buenos Ayres to arrange this dispute, during which the English Governor, having before protested against the right of Buenos Ayres to the Falklands, ordered the Admiral on the South American Station to send a ‘man-of-war’ to hoist the English flag at Port Louis and to take possession of the islands in the name of England.

In 1833 a small Buenos Ayres Schooner was lying in Port Louis. A short time before, an officer, left in charge of the Colony, while the dispute between Mr. Vernet and the Americans remained undecided, had been murdered by his men, who were prisoners on board the ‘man-of-war’ Schooner, when the 18 gun brig Clio Footnote ⁴⁵⁶ anchored in Barclay Sound, in January 1833.

The Clio (Capt. Onslow)Footnote ⁴⁵⁷ made a stay of only a few days at Port Louis. The Capt. of the Buenos Ayres Schooner protested against the right of possession asserted by the erection of a flag staff on which a Union Jack was left flying by Capt. Onslow, who on his departure, entrusted the care of this flag to an Irishman in the employ of Mr. Vernet […] Mr. Brisbane, who had been carried away by the Lexington in 1832, returned to the Colony to take charge of Mr. Vernet's [fo. 9] property soon after the departure of the Clio.

Port Louis was also visited by Capt. Fitzroy in the Beagle in March, 1833. A short report written by that Officer has been furnished me by the Admiral, but it contains little more than general nautical directions for the harbour of Port Louis and Barclay Sound.

The unjustifiable act of the American Corvette led to very tragic results: the Gauchos had become impatient of the authority of their employers; the disputes as to who were the real possessors of the island, and the absence of all legal authority, led to quarrels between Mr. Brisbane and those under him, which ended in the murder of that person […] and four other persons. The murderers were eight Gauchos [who then] quarrelled amongst themselves, and for more than a month nothing could exceed the frightful state in which the few of the Colony that remained, existed. They were, for some time, threatened by these Gauchos, who, living among the hills and destroying the cattle wantonly, came down to the settlement to take whatever they could find: at last they fled to a small island in Barclay Sound where they were when, in January, 1834, the Challenger Footnote ⁴⁵⁸ (Capt. Seymour)Footnote ⁴⁵⁹ arrived in Barclay Sound with directions to leave a Lieut. SmithFootnote ⁴⁶⁰ with a boat and four men to keep possession of the settlement, it being the Admiral's intention that a ‘man-of-war’ should call there every three or four months.

When Captain Seymour landed with Mr. Smith, instead of the thriving little Colony that he expected to find, he observed only ruin [fo. 10] and destruction and marks that pains had been taken to destroy: cottages unroofed, gardens trampled down and enclosures thrown over […] The body of poor Brisbane was found horribly mutilated a few hundred yards from his house. During the stay of the Challenger the Gauchos were seen on the hills opposite the ship, but they had taken the precaution to drive all the tame horses to the interior. Capt. Seymour, unable to delay his voyage, landed Lieut. Smith and his four men according to instructions, but the state of the island being very different to what it had been supposed by the Admiral, he left him also five Marines and a supply of provisions.

The Challenger having sailed, Mr. Smith was left to his own resources. His one object was to secure the Gauchos, but without horses this was an arduous task. Two Gauchos, however, who had taken refuge on the island, and had not joined their countrymen, were able to catch some stray horses. Mr. Smith, assisted by their knowledge of the island, divided his men into different parties and, with the aid of the Marines, succeeded in securing the five murderers that remained. There had originally been eight directly implicated, [but] one had been killed by his companions and two others escaped on board an American Sealing vessel […] [fo. 11] These five Indian Gauchos were sent to England subsequently to be tried for the murder, but owing to want of evidence they were all released.

Mr. Smith repaired Mr. Vernet's house for himself, and another for his boat's crew. The Challenger Marines were sent back to their own ship, and sixty of the horses having been recovered, the two remaining Gauchos were employed to catch and secure cattle […]

On our arrival Mr. Smith had been nearly three years on the island with no society beyond that of his boat's crew, until within the last six months, when he had been joined by his son, a lad of 18 years, who bids fair to make a tolerable sealer or Gaucho, but at the same time to forget what little he may have learnt in England.

‘Men-o-war’ in their passage around Cape Horn visit Port Louis about twice a year, remaining only a few days. American and English sealing and whaling vessels also often anchor in the sound, but they oftener frequent the West Falkland where the fishing is better […]

At the entrance to Barclay Sound there are some rocks famous [fo. 12] for the resort of the fur seal, and which have been declared belonging to the settlement by Lieut. Smith, who accordingly had warned off vessels of all nations from fishing there […]

All the letters have been forwarded to me by Sir Graham Hamond, with directions to enquire into, and report on Mr. Smith's conduct, which is a disagreeable duty, to find oneself obliged to become the examiner of the conduct of a person with whom one is thrown into such daily intercourse and some of the accusations are such as to affect his character as a gentleman.

In addition to this investigation, I have to follow long instructions from the Admiralty to make a report upon the state of the Islands, whether it is advisable to form a Colony upon them, in what manner the force to occupy them should be bestowed […] [fo. 13]

[fo. 14] […] From the evening of the 2^nd, until the night of the 4^th, it blew a hard gale from the south-west […] [O]n the ninth […] we observed land about six o'clock in the evening […] When first made out, it proved to be the exact point to which we hoped to make, namely, Cape St. Vincent, the eastern-most extremity of the Island and which forms one side of the entrance to Barclay Sound […] [The sound] is six miles wide at the entrance and narrows gradually until you come to the small islands which form the harbour of Port Louis. From the entrance of these islands it is about fifteen miles clear of danger […] [T]hese Islands at all times dreary enough, looked particularly so on our first view of them; the shores of [fo. 15] the sound, steep, with bare hills, intersected by ravines rising from them; these hills without a tree and the clouds hanging low, gave them exactly the appearance of the CheviotsFootnote ⁴⁶¹ or the Scottish Moor on a winter's day, and considering we were in the May of these latitudes, the first impression of the climate was not favourable. The weather, however, was not cold; the Thermometer at 63 degrees, which is about Howick mid-summer temperature.

The ship had not been anchored above half-an-hour when the Governor, Smith, came on board with his whole garrison […] I found him a man of about 45, active and, from his appearance, giving one a good idea of the healthiness of the climate […] I ordered him a bed on board and next morning about eight o'clock the ship was got under weigh, and in about an hour and a half, having had to work through a very narrow passage, we were at anchor about three-quarters of a mile from the shore, opposite the creek above which stands what is called the ‘Settlement’.

[…] As soon as I had finished my breakfast, I landed in company with the Governor to inspect the state of his little Colony, which is situated overlooking a small basin or inner harbour. The principal house or cottage is that inhabited by Lieut. Smith, and among the miserable huts by which it is surrounded looks respectable by comparison; it is white-washed, has a flag staff before it, and looks like some preventive station on the coast of Northumberland […]

[fo. 16] […] [T]here are the ruins of what had been probably barracks, situated in a hollow below the Governor's house. The actual number of inhabitants is currently eighteen and consists of Mr. Smith, his son (an unpolished cub of 18), four of the boat's crew, an old Spanish Gaucho alluded to above, a French boy of 16, a most expert lad in every way, whether in a boat or on a horse, an American, and three English deserters from Merchant Vessels; an old German, who is by way of being a Tailor the Doctor of the Establishment, and three women who have been for some years on the Island. One of them is a Monte Videoan, half Indian, and is married to the American Sailor, the other two are Negroes […] You can conceive nothing more wretched than the huts of these people made out of the ruins of the old barracks, and patched up with turf […]

If the huts were more miserable than I expected, I was astonished, considering the inhabitants being such as I have described, to find about two hundred head of tame cattle feeding on the adjoining hills, many of them cows with calves by their sides. [fo. 17] The settlers also had a great supply of pigs, and also a very tolerable stock of poultry. Since we have been here the ship's company has been supplied with beef from the tame cattle, and the butter and milk we get is excellent, as good as any I have ever tasted at Howick.

Of Mr. Vernet's horses about sixty remain […] The first few days of our arrival, while the ship was watering and refitting, accompanied by Mr. Smith and the French boy, I took long rides in order to explore the country; I found that it is a succession of moorland and valley. The moors [are] unsafe for riding from the quantity of bogs; in all the valleys there are streams of water; apparently the sides of the hills afford good pasture […]

The shooting, consisting of rabbits, snipe and wild fowl of all description[,] is so plentiful that it almost takes away the interest; the wild geese and duck will hardly get out of your way, the snipe even let you pick them up, and the rabbits are every bit as wild as at home […]

[fo. 18] […] I wish I could only manage to give you a true description of the manner in which the wild cattle are caught. I have been out twice and can conceive of nothing more exciting, [and] hunting [in] England [is] not to be compared with it […] [fos 19–24] There are two or three different ‘Corrals’ at different parts of the Island, similar to those I have described at Buenos Ayres, into which the newly caught cattle are put with the tame oxen, when the distance is too great from the settlement […]

[fo. 25] Falkland Islands, December 15^th, 1836.

From then until the 20^th we remained in Port Louis […] and I observed that the wind always fell at sunset and that the nights were much calmer than the days. My time was much taken up with excursions to gain an idea of this part of the Island […] but as I intended making a circuit of both the East and West Falklands, stopping at the principal harbours, I lost no time […] in getting under weigh, which we did on Sunday evening November 20^th […]

[fo. 26] Wed. Nov. 23.

The weather fine, we stood along the shore passing Pebble Island and the other Islands and rocks marked in the chart made in the year 1798 by a Lieut. Edgar.Footnote ⁴⁶² This Chart is a good guide as to the general outline of the Island, but cannot be trusted, either in its details or distances. About nine in the morning we made out clearly the entrance to Port Egmont[;] I had feared that this Port would have been difficult to discover owing to some remarks sent me by the Admiral, written by Capt. HopeFootnote ⁴⁶³ of H.M.S. Tyne Footnote ⁴⁶⁴ who came here to hoist the English flag in 1833. On the contrary, I found not the least difficulty[;] the land was remarkable and exactly answering the description given of it in a book published some 15 years ago by a Mr. Weddell,Footnote ⁴⁶⁵ Captain of a Sealing Vessel, who spent two years in the Fisheries of Cape Horn and the Falkland Islands. I found this book in Mr. Smith's possession and it has been of the greatest use to me.

I had no difficulty in finding the little cove above which stood the English Settlement, destroyed in 1770, and before eleven o'clock the ship was moored in ten fathoms of water […] It is impossible to imagine a finer harbour than this, land locked on every side, easy of approach and capable of holding the whole English Navy. I landed at the head of the creek where there is a most convenient watering place, to examine what remained of the old English Settlement […]

[fo. 27] […] Above the watering place I found two ruined cottages which had been built much subsequently to the destruction of the Colony by a party of American Sealers.

Of the old settlement we could discover foundations of what appeared to be a row of barracks and houses built with some regularity of plan, but the Spanish Authorities had endeavoured to destroy all trace of habitations and had not left even the remnant of a wall standing. On a mound covered with a heap of large stones where a small English fort is supposed to have stood, I caused a flag-staff to be raised and a Union-Jack hoisted, with a salute of twenty-one guns, which must have astonished the seals and penguins, these being the principal inhabitants. I had expected to have found an American Sealing Schooner in this harbour, and from the marks of fire among the ruins, her crew must have been here a short time before. Saunders Island […] is covered with a sort of heath and small shrub[;] this heath, not unlike our English heath, is called ‘diddle-de-dee’ by the sailors and makes a most [fo. 28] excellent fire[;] gather a bundle, even after heavy rain, and it will still burn with the greatest fury […]

Thursday. November 24^th.

Leaving the ship at anchor in Fort Egmont, I started in one of her larger boats, called a barge, fitted for the occasion, with a six-oared gig in company […] I bore up a little after noon for a bay in an island named Burnt Island […]

[fo. 29] The Island abounds in geese, snipe and all sorts of wild fowl and there were immense numbers of penguins, these birds about the size of a large goose, with scarcely any wings, and those only used by them to assist them in swimming, which they do more like a fish than a bird[;] these birds burrow holes under the roots of the tussock and are easily caught, [and] our men used to pull them out of these holes with a boat-hook, and as they were of no use, I endeavoured to prevent their being destroyed. There are two or three sorts of penguin; [the] most common of [these] is called the jackass, for the noise it makes [is] like the braying of an ass […]

I must describe this tent in which I have spent a good number of nights. It was made from a sail of the thickest sort of canvas, laid over spars and oars belonging to the boat, [and] when finished it was in the shape of a triangle at the front[;] the whole length about 16 feet, the inner end completely closed […] [fo. 30] A large chest, about three feet long and two feet wide, was placed against the back wall projecting long-ways into the tent, leaving about four feet on each side. This chest formed our grocery store, besides holding our survey instruments, it also served as a table, on one side was placed my bed and on the other that of the master and mid-shipman, these being simply bags of canvas filled with heather and forming a most comfortable mattress.

[I]n case of rain a large tarpaulin (piece of painted canvas) was placed to protect the kitchen. The first day of our encampment it took longer to settle than afterwards, when every man had his own part assigned to him, [and] less than half-an-hour to have our lodging comfortably arranged. We always dined early, about two or three o'clock, and had our supper at sunset, which was about eight o'clock, after which we generally had a rubber of dummy whist, the Master, Mid-shipman and myself; after our rubber I always made it a rule to read aloud for an hour, and the men had permission to come into the tent as soon as they pleased after supper[.] I found they all liked the reading very much; I endeavoured to pick out stories that amused them […]

[fo. 31] Friday. November 25^th.

Five a.m.; this morning we got up, I claimed Captain's privilege of having the tent for my washing place, leaving the Master and Mid-shipman to make their toilets out-side or else to wait until I had done. When we were dressed, we took a stroll for half-an-hour during which time the tent was cleaned out and breakfast prepared […]

Saturday November 26^th.

Sailed from the cove with the gig in tow, and at noon r[a]n into what is called Hope Harbour, a sheltered but small port on West Point Island […] [fo. 32] Landing on a beach I discovered several tomb-stones and the remains of a small hut; on the tomb-stones we found the name of an American, a Captain of a Sealing Schooner who had died here some years before: I at once determined to camp here for the night and for the whole of [the] next day, it being Sunday; returning to Hope Cove or Harbour, we found our dinners ready, after which I set out to climb to the top of the Island which is one of the highest in the Falklands […]

[fo. 33] Sunday, November 27^th.

Remained all day at our encampment in West Bay; at high water we caught a small net of 152 large mullet […]

November 30^th.

On board all day, blowing hard from South West.

From December 1^st to December 4^th.

I was again absent on an exploring expedition to Pebble Island […]

December 6^th.

We ran with a moderate breeze and clear weather for New Island […] [W]hen moored within 200 yards of the shore, I found here a dismantled American Whaler, with a crew of eight men, which serves as a sort of Depot to two schooners at this moment fishing somewhere about the Islands.

[fo. 34] The Union Jack was hoisted on the small island forming the harbour. On the following day I explored the island which […] on the north face presents the greatest curiosity I have ever seen; […] for some distance on the top side of the bank there is what is called a penguin rookery. I do not exaggerate[ that for] three quarters of a mile the cliff is covered with nests of these birds and here and there among the penguins, who allow you to walk among them, are nests of albatrosses, about the proportion of one albatross to 100 penguins. None of these birds would move off their nests for you, and as you walk among them, keep pecking at your legs[;] this penguin is rather smaller than the jackass, and has a tuft on its head, [and] it is called, the King penguin.Footnote ⁴⁶⁶

The smell of this rookery cannot be conceived. Watching the movements of these birds is quite the most curious thing I have ever seen; you see them in troops going out to fish; one party jumping off the rocks, diving and then coming up, swimming at an immense rate like porpoises; and when swimming in this way in shoals, I will defy you to know they are birds.

Some of the ship's company to whom I always gave leave, having come over here, I observed them killing numbers of these poor birds with their sticks[.] I at once forbad this wanton cruelty and put a stop to it effectually by sending two men on board, whom I observed doing it afterwards when not, as they supposed seen. [fo. 35] The black list and six-water grog for a fortnight, which I ordered [for] these two, saved the lives of many a penguin and albatross. The Sealers eat their eggs and so did many on board the Cleopatra. I never had the courage […]

In a beautiful little harbour on Beaver Island we found a [fo. 36] small American Schooner […] in [the] charge of the cook, the rest of her crew being absent in search of seals.

I, however, have not found anything like a permanent establishment which I am ordered to search for[.] I remained here one night and kept the Union-Jack flying over our tent, [and] in all these excursions we caught as many fish as we could hold in our nets, [and] our guns supplied us with rabbits, snipe and all sorts of wild fowl, so that our tent chest contained only bread, groceries and drinkables.

On Sunday, December 11^th I landed with most of the ship's company and performed the funeral service over John Willis, one of the gunners’ crew who had died the preceding day; he had long been in bad health, [and] he was buried on the shoulder of a hill opposite the anchorage and a tomb stone with a simple inscription put at the head of his grave.

This day an American Schooner […] arrived in the bay[. T]he Captain of her, a very decent sort of man, waited upon me, and from him then and since, [I have] gained a very great deal of useful information. On New Island we shot some wild swans, the first we had seen.

[fo. 37] December 16^th, 1836.

This constant occupation agrees with me. I never was better and am very much interested in exploring a country which is completely new […] Having warned the American that the Islands belong to England, I am now in the act of starting from Ship Harbour, bound towards Cape Orford and Cape Meredith.

[fo. 38] Fannings Harbour, January 1837.

The morning after we sailed from Ship Harbour we found ourselves between Cape Orford and Sea Lion Island […] Edgar's chart is very incorrect about this part […]

In passing a sandy beach we saw a quantity of Hair Seals, some on the beach, some floundering in the water; although of no use except for a bad oil they produced, I could not resist trying to kill one, and landing with the Midshipman and the boat's crew we tried to cut off some of them from the water[. T]he males are called ‘sea-lions’, one of which we wounded, but he got off. It was good fun to see them all floundering away into the water and making such a noise; when we thought that the whole troop had escaped us we saw a female come out of the tussock, but we cut her off, and I never laughed so much in my life[. O]ne of the boat's crew, with a stretcher (a piece of wood about 4ft. long) being nearer than any of us, got between the seal and the water and striking her with his stick, either stumbled over her or else got [fo. 39] so frightened at the way she bellowed at him, that he fell over[;] the seal luckily for him was too anxious to escape to take any notice of him. I never saw a man in such a state of alarm[. T]he poor beast however was cut off and most cowardly murdered, my rifle bore having helped […]

Port Edgar being drawn as a very large Harbour in the chart and from being named after the surveyor, I expected to be a good anchorage for the ship […]

For some time, while running along [an] unbroken cliff I could see nothing like the entrance of a harbour, and when I did discover it, it had at first only the appearance of a ravine or a long cleft in the rock; the ship was signalised to heave to, to examine this [fo. 40] entrance […] [T]he narrow length of the passage was about 400 yards and beyond a magnificent bay which forms by many degrees the finest harbour I have ever seen in my life.

[…] [W]hile they were furling the sails and moving the ship, I landed in the creek and had hardly put my foot on shore, when one of the foxes of the country was chased by ‘Pilot’[.] I ran up as they were fighting, and came to the poor dog's assistance who had nearly met his match, and a rifle ball soon settled the business, but ‘Pilot’ had received a terrible bite in the leg. I had heard that there was a great number of these foxes, but had not seen one before[. T]hey are supposed to be indigenous [fo. 41] to the Island, [and] are much larger than the English fox and not quite so large as a wolf. In shape they resemble a fox, their colour is much darker than that of our foxes, and the fur thicker; they are also longer in proportion in the legs[. T]hey are called here ‘Warrahs’ or ‘Wolf Fox’;Footnote ⁴⁶⁷ the one I killed was a very old one; I never saw such red teeth.

[…] After the men's supper I determined to attack the seals and to see whether it was so difficult as the sealers had said to kill one […] I took a six-oared gig, and all the crew landed with clubs and stretchers at some distance from the point and coming round among the tussuck, we got within thirty yards of them unperceived, Liardet was with me armed with a ship's musket. The signal was to be our firing, for the boat's crew to make a rush and get between the lion that we fired at and the water[. M]y ball went into its head and Liardet's somewhere [fo. 42] in the body[;] the report startled them all […] and they commenced scuttling off to the water; the boat's crew got between the wounded one and the rocks and the most strenuous fight took place in spite of his wounds, which were bleeding profusely[.T]his monster made good his retreat, seizing the club out of one of the men's hand with his tusks and making desperate efforts to close with his enemies, but his tremendous teeth and terrible roaring made us all keep at a respectable distance. I had loaded again as quick as possible and succeeded in getting another shot at him as he gained the water but to no purpose, [for] the poor beast dived and disappeared, only coming up once at about 100 yards to blow, leaving behind him the surface of the water dyed with his blood; they had a good laugh at us on board and told us that the fight as seen from the ship, was most ridiculous, [for] unless hit in the brain, you may as well fire at a wall, [as] they are so protected by their blubber; we at any rate had reason to bear witness to the truth of the American story, as we never did succeed in killing one although the midshipmen and Officers made several more attempts […] [fos 43–44]

Monday, December 19.

Starting this morning early, with the gig in company, and intending to return to the ship in time for the boat crew's dinner, [we] proceeded to examine Port Edgar[;] we found several creeks, all of which had runs of water […] [fos 45–48] […] [W]e all got on board a little before nine p.m. having had a very good day's [fo. 49] work; the different shooting parties brought on board this day ninety-six upland geese, besides other game; the fishing party were equally successful in one of the creeks having caught so many mullet at one point that they had been forced to leave half of them on the beach […] On the 21^st December, we sailed from [P]ort Edgar […] [fo. 50] We remained until the 27^th December at Swan Islands, the whole of which time, with the exception of Christmas Day[,] I was away in my boat.

[fo. 51] January 1^st 1837, Fannings Harbour (continuation)

If the Government ever intends to form a Colony or Naval Establishment on the Falkland Islands, Fannings Harbour is decidedly the spot which combines most advantages for a place of settlement, situated on the East Island, of the narrowest part of the channel, which separates the West from the East Falkland[. I]t is easy of access and with anchorage for any size vessel, with good water in abundance. In the country around it the wild cattle abound […]

[fo. 52] Wednesday, December 28^th.

We started early this morning [and] I steered directly for the head of the Southern arm which runs up from the entrance of Fannings Harbour[;] […] Here we anchored off a very nice little bay and pitched our tent a little way up the hill […]

[fo. 53] […] [A]fter some hours walking over boggy and rough ground, I came to an immense plain stretching away for miles and lying along the foot of a range of hills which formed part of a chain which intersects East Falkland from St Salvador Bay to the point which separates the two arms of Fannings Harbour; the centre of this range is called Mount Simon, the highest point of all the Falklands[;] it is 1600 feet above the level of the sea, [and] from this range there are out-shoots in all directions. This plain was covered with wild cattle […]

[fo. 54] December 29^th, 30^th, 31^st.

Exploring about Fannings Harbour on the 30^th I got to the top of the San Carlos River creek and walked some distance into the country but did not succeed in killing any cattle; when I reached the ship I found that the party had gone out for cattle had killed two old bulls, which were so tough that it was almost impossible to eat them[;] one of them weighed upwards of thirteen hundred-weight.

Sunday, New Year's Day, 1837.

Remained on board all day.

Fannings Harbour, January, 1837.

January 2^nd. [H]aving provisioned the boat for a week, and running out of Fannings Harbour, [we] steered with a fair wind along the eastern shore of Falkland Sound until we came to the entrance of Grantham Sound[;] still keeping along shore, we passed several small islands [fo. 55] […] [W]hen we sailed again in the afternoon our stock of provisions was added to by four quarters of most excellent beef[;] the tough allowance of the old bull which we had brought from the ship, was in consequences thrown overboard. It was late when we pitched our tent on the narrow neck of land which separates Grantham SoundFootnote ⁴⁶⁸ from Choiseul BayFootnote ⁴⁶⁹ […]

January 3^rd. Absent exploring […] the whole day and must have walked a great many miles[;] […] [fo. 56] indeed, from the constant living in the open air, I am in such good condition that whole day's walking hardly tires me; at night we have a rubber of whist and reading for an hour; I have no trouble with the men and they are quite delighted with these excursions […] [N]ow that we are independent of the gig we do twice as much in a day, as we used to have to wait for that boat hoisting in our little dingy; we trust completely to our sails and arriving at the part we wish to land at, she is lifted out in a moment […] [T]he spot chosen for the tent[,] Mr. Fittock remains to superintend the fixing of it, and when I return from a short survey of the country I find all in due order, the Union Jack flying at the top of the tent. At night the dingy is hauled on shore, in short, every man having his part allotted to him, we take up our quarters and strike our tent with as much expedition as the most skilful gipsies; the men have a certain [fo. 57] quantity of ammunition served out to them[;] I allow them when their task is done to wander where they please and to shoot whatever they come across.

[fo. 58] January 5^th. We remained at our encampment all this day and christened the bay ‘Bull Harbour’ […] After breakfast, Levings and myself started with the intention of getting to the top of Mt. Simon, but allowed ourselves to be diverted by a chase after some cattle; after a great deal of stalking [fo. 59], we got within shot of a herd, but bungled […] [fo. 60]

[fo. 61] January 6^th. I have about four more days work in this neighbourhood and could employ another fortnight, but I am rather pressed for time as my orders are not to remain in the Islands after the end of January and it will take me at least ten days to finish my business in Barclay Sound.

[fo. 62] Cleopatra at sea, between Port Louis & Rio [de] Janeiro, February 1837.

I have been so busy and am so still, with my Charts and reports […] that I have only time to give you a hurried account of the last fortnight I spent at the Falklands […] I arrived at Port Louis on the 14^th January, [where] I found two American Sealing vessels at anchor in the Harbour; I remained there until the 29^th of last month, and during this fortnight I could not give up so much of my time as I could have wished towards completing my inspection of all the different Harbours; I managed, however, taking the French Boy for my guide, to get as far as Port William and Port Pleasant, two inlets which lie to the south-west of Cape Pembroke. Having thus, with the exception of the unfinished line which remains to be filled in on the Chart between Choiseul Bay and the entrance to Falkland Sound, made the whole circuit of East and West Falklands.

The most disagreeable part of this service was having [to deal] with complaints against Lieut. Smith made by an American Captain, which together with many other details with regard to charges reflecting upon his character as an Officer, I had to examine and report on [to] the Admiralty. The claim of Mr. Vernet had also to be decided on – all this giving me a deal of writing.

I will now bid good-bye to the Falklands with a few casual remarks, and they shall be very few as I am quite tired of the subject –

[fo. 63] The first thing to be considered is, whether this colonization of these Islands is advisable or not, if so, whether they are capable of being turned to account and in what manner it would be best to undertake it.

Looking at the map one is immediately struck by their position as presenting a most desirable point for a Naval Station with reference to the great and increasing trade of England with the New Republic[s] of the Pacific[. S]ituated as they are so near Cape Horn, they naturally present themselves as a place of refuge for vessels in those stormy latitudes and considering the numerous safe harbours, easy of access, it would appear as if nature had intended them as such.Footnote ⁴⁷⁰

The opinion I have found after all the enquiries I have made, and from my own observation, is this – that the whole matter rests upon whether the Government thinks it an advantage to establish a point of Naval strength or not in this part of the world. Of the capability afforded of forming a thriving colony I have not the least doubt but as I said before, I consider the question to depend upon whether politically speaking it is worth while. The expense at the commencement would be trifling if it did not, as I think it would, defray its own expenses from the first; as a matter of colonization alone, one would not recommend barren hills in the fifty-fourth degree southern latitude when there are so many large tracks [of] uninhabited territories in Canada and New South Wales which hold so many more inducements to the Emigrants.

Both the dispute with Spain and the accounts given of the gales experienced in these latitudes have given those when they have even thought about such a place as the Falklands a prejudice against them, but they only require to be known, for it to be [fo. 64] proved that they would be the means of supporting many thousands of families. In regard to climate, it resembles that of Scotland except that you have never [to] the same [degree] the extremes of cold or heat[;] the thermometer has hardly ever been known to be lower than 28 degrees or higher than 75. Snow never remains two days on the ground even in the depth of winter; of rain, there is not more than we have in England, or rather I should say, not so much[;] the greatest drawback to the climate is a prevalence of strong winds, but regular gales are not more frequent than elsewhere and never last long. I need not bring any other proof of the goodness of the Harbours and the little difficulty there would be in navigation, than the fact that a ship of the size of the Cleopatra could come to them in their present unknown state without Charts, [and] make the circuit which we have just completed. Professionally considered as lying as it were in the highway of vessels bound round Cape Horn and in containing the finest Harbours in the world, their value is not to be doubted.

Some of the following productions experience has already given proof of; I will name a few of the principal ones:

First, the Fisheries: The common whale is caught in the bays at all seasons of the year. The best proof of this is, that in the year 1835, there were, in and about the Islands, thirty American Whale ships and two French. The fine seal is also caught in great quantities about the Islands and their skins are very valuable; during my absence from Barclay Sound, the few miserable settlers established there caught 93 fur seals off the rocks at the entrance to the sound, the skins of which were sold, at from eight to ten Spanish dollars apiece (dollar 4/4d. English) to an American vessel.

[fo. 65] The sea lion and sea elephant both afford a common oil; the mullet which were caught in such large quantities in the bays, when dried, were found to sell at a great profit by Mr. Vernet in the Brazilian markets.

The wild cattle which have increased in so extraordinary a way are, in themselves, a source of ready trade, in hides, tallow, etc., besides as a supply of fresh beef to vessels and of salt, when demanded. Mr. Vernet used to send a great many cargoes of jacked beef, which is beef cut into strips and dried in the open air, [and] there is a great demand for this for the slave population of the Brazils.

The wild horses, of which there are above a thousand on East Falkland, with a sufficient force of Gauchos, might, I have no doubt[,] be caught […] In my ride towards Cape Pembroke when I went to visit Port William, I counted during the day 200 at the settlement; all poultry thrive well and a number of pigs are quite a nuisance.

Of the nature of the soil, I do not pretend to be a good judge[;] the hills are mostly barren and swampy, but in the valleys and on the plains there is a most excellent pasture[;] in some places near Fannings Harbour where the ground has been trodden by cattle nothing could be greener or richer than the grass; on the hill-sides there are several sorts of wild berries, among others, strawberries, and a great quantity of wild cellery. Many a whale ship has had its crew saved from that horrid disease, the scurvy, [by] the natural productions of these wild looking hills. All vegetables that thrive in England were found to grow well in [fo. 66] the sheltered valley and Mr. Vernet always had a supply of potatoes, cabbage, turnips and carrots sufficient to furnish ships with. Corn has been tried and found to ripen. Among the natural products of the Falklands I must not forget to mention a plant that is called the ‘Malvina tea plant’; it is a small green herb that grows in the ravines, which when boiled makes a sort of stuff which resembles tea very much and although I cannot go so far as Capt. Fitzroy, who says that he has given it to people without their finding out, yet it forms so good [a] substitute for tea that the men employed in the fisheries are quite content to have it served out to them.

I have enumerated some of the principal advantages of the Falklands[;] I will now mention the manner in which I think it would be advisable to form a settlement.

We will suppose that the Government have determined to supply the Establishment and the expense of one ship to carry this into execution; let this ship be of the size of the Cleopatra with a crew of 200 men[;] instead however of a ship of this class her compliment of Officers and Men should be differently distributed, for instance as follows: 50 Marines, 100 Seamen and Boys, the latter […] divided in two Schooners commanded by Lieutenants with two Mid-shipmen, leaving about twenty men to man a small cutter and two or three whale boats; the Officers of all sorts, with one or two extra assistant Surgeons, and Carpenters, […] would make up the 200; from England a certain number of wooden houses, like those furnished for the new settlers of Australia[,] could be sent out in frames, to be put up wherever the Commander of the expedition should decide upon as the fittest spot […]

[fo. 67] We will suppose that the Captain charged with this service fixes on Fannings Harbour[;] he at once forms an establishment there and erects barracks for the greater number of his Marines, who should be men chosen for good character and as many of them as possible possessing some trade; you would have no difficulty in picking out as many tailors and shoemakers out of this Corps; he leaves a party also at Port Louis.

He should now turn his attention to the means of inducing merchant vessels to touch at the Islands[,] to do which it should be notified at LloydsFootnote ⁴⁷¹ that a supply of fresh beef and water would always be furnished at a moment's notice, the first at the lowest rate and the second for the trouble of taking; no port dues of any sort to be exacted and every assistance afforded to vessels who should make this a port of refit.

The Captain, having fixed his head-quarters, should employ his two schooners in a variety of ways, such as surveying and protecting the fisheries, [for] the seal fishing especially would become a great source of revenue if properly protected. On his first arrival he should have been empowered to engage twelve or twenty Gauchos from Buenos Ayres; at present the trained horses are sufficient to enable you to catch others, [but] in a few years this would no longer be the case; having thus mentioned what force is necessary to be applied for the foundation of a Naval Station at the Falklands, I will now mention the line of conduct to be observed towards colonists.

Men unaccustomed to any existence except that procured by a life of hardship[,] such as your fishermen on the Northern coast of England and Scotland as well as your Irish peasant[,] would at once find, upon landing the first bay of the Falkland [fo. 68] Islands, a climate like that he has been inured to, and what he has seldom enjoyed, a constant supply of good meat and fish with as much fuel as he can gather.

What these men would require would be at first, huts, and in making them I would employ the force of the Station; upon the arrival of these poorer sort of Colonists, the Governor should appoint to them different portions of land and having assisted them in erecting a sort of cabin, leave them with a present of two or three cows and then, if the man is not perfectly helpless, with a very little assistance, he will find himself and family in a position to gain a comfortable livelihood.

But it is not to be supposed that the settlers are to come out entirely destitute[.] I am only taking into consideration that many might do so, as has hitherto been the case with the present inhabitants of Port Louis, all of whom were originally deserters from Merchant vessels and who are now every one well off, some possessing upwards of a 1000 dollars […]

What I looked to in the first instance for defraying government expense, is the wild cattle; these should all be caught and as many trained as possible; when I say caught, I [fo. 69] mean the system Buenos Ayres adopted, that is, driving them to certain points where government ‘corrals’ should be erected[;] the old bulls should be killed and their hides sold and, in short, the Captain charged with forming the Establishment should have full power to encourage settlers and also the disposal of the cattle, of course accounting to the Admiralty for all his proceedings, but on no account himself to have any interest or connection in mercantile transactions, which should also apply to all those under him.

The Officers and men should receive extra pay and all the provisions supplied should be purchased regularly by the purser and no cattle to be killed wantonly.

Although there are no doubt many drawbacks to a Settlement formed in so tempestuous a region as this is generally supposed to be, yet on the one hand it possesses advantages that none of the new settlements in AustraliaFootnote ⁴⁷² have and not the least is the great quantity [of land] belonging to the Government and to be disposed of in any way he may think fit.

The climate is remarkably healthy, sickness is not known at the settlement, and I found my ship's company were never so well. I was for some time without a single man on the doctor's list and in one boat expedition we slept nearly 40 nights in one tent, besides being much exposed to weather that we never suffered so much even as a slight cold […]

The Settlement would have no wild beasts to bother it except the foxes and they would easily be destroyed; [th]ere are [fo. 70] said to be wild dogs, also indigenous to the Islands, but this is not the case; there are some breeds of dogs which have originated by those lost by Sealers.

Rio de Janeiro, March 1837.

Our passage from the Falklands was a good one, [and] we anchored here on the 16^th of last month[. T]he Imogene[,] Captain Bruce, was the only ship in the harbour on our arrival, [for] the Admiral was about on a cruise, from which he returned on the 28^th February and we are now preparing for our voyage round Cape Horn; as it is again summer here I avoid the shore as much as possible except in the evening. I go on shore to dine with the Hamiltons or with Hesketh; my old quarters at Mr. Hesketh's house are occupied by Capt. EdenFootnote ⁴⁷³ who is to be my passenger round the Horn.

I have not felt so well as usual, not that anything has been the matter with me, but this hot climate and idle life after [the] violent exercise which I have been taking for the last three months has made me feel laggard and more than anything else lazy; [fo. 71] I have done little except read French books for the last fortnight; the other day I attempted to make a sort of historical sketch for my use of the Brazils which for want of something better to do, together with some remarks of the slave trade […] [fos 72–73]

[fo. 74] […] The National Assembly [of Brazil] declared independence and separation from Portugal in August 1822,Footnote ⁴⁷⁴ and in October of the same year Don Pedro was chosen as Emperor[;] a few Portuguese soldiers remained in the country and were mostly garrisoned at Monte Video and Vachia, both of which places fell to the Brazilians. Vachia had been forced to surrender to Lord Cochrane who blockaded the port and the Portuguese Governor was allowed to sail with his garrison to Europe. After this, although the war was virtually at an end, yet the Portuguese men-o-war continued for some time to have engagements with the few Brazilian ships, which, manned and commanded by Englishmen, were more than a match for their adversaries.

The Empire was no sooner established than a violent struggle took place with the Republican party, which at one time threatened even to over-throw Don Pedro. A congress was formed in which the two parties strove for superiority. These disputes were settled by the Emperor dissolving the assembly by means of his troops, who with fixed bayonets cleared the house of assembly. The provinces were in great confusion and excitement, especially that of Pernambuco where the Republicans were in the majority. In November 1823 a second National Assembly was convened and the Constitution which had been drawn up by the Emperor and Council of his State was laid before the Deputies; this act was accepted, the oath of obedience administered in 1824, [and] the Government declared to be hereditary, constitutional and representative.Footnote ⁴⁷⁵

[fo. 75] This Representation of the Nation consisting of one General Assembly[, t]his Assembly was composed of two chambers, that of the Deputies whose members were chosen by the different Provinces and Towns for four years, and that of the Senators, who were named by the Emperor from lists furnished by the Electors. The Chamber of Deputies had the privilege of introducing all bills of taxation and for the levying of troops; the Senators were to retain their dignities for life, [and] the session of the Chamber to be public; the Emperor was to have the executive authority; his Ministers [were] to be responsible, but his veto was not to be absolute in the event of a bill being approved by two consecutive sessions of the legislature. The press was also declared free, [and] monopolies were abolished; the Roman Catholic religion [was] declared as the established one, and no other to be publicly permitted, but to be privately tolerated.

[…] The whole country having now heeded to the new constitution, Don Pedro sent agents to the different European courts to negotiate for the recognition for the Brazils as an independent power; most of the great powers acknowledged Don Pedro in 1825.Footnote ⁴⁷⁶

In August, 1825, Sir Charles Stuart arrived at Rio to negotiate a treaty of commerce between England, Portugal and the Brazils […] [fo. 76] since which time the commerce of Rio de Janeiro has increased to a wonderful extent; a foolish warFootnote ⁴⁷⁷ was taken against Buenos Ayres in 1826 concerning Monte Video and Banda-Oriental, which ended by that province, under the mediations of England, being formed into an Independent Republic, and peace was made in 1828. On the death of King John VI, Don Pedro resigned his right to the Portuguese throne in favour of his daughter, Donna Maria da Gloria (present Queen).Footnote ⁴⁷⁸ Don Pedro became personally unpopular after the peace with Buenos Ayres and his profligate conduct and violent measures led to so much excitement, that he was obliged to abdicate his throne in 1830Footnote ⁴⁷⁹ in order to preserve the empire for his son, and embarking on board the Volage, English frigate, came to Europe, when, as you know, he immediately became engaged in a contest with his brother Don Miguel.Footnote ⁴⁸⁰

In spite of the endeavours of the Republican party, the majority of the nation remained faithful to the Braganza familyFootnote ⁴⁸¹ now represented by the Infant Don Pedro II,Footnote ⁴⁸² who was crowned Emperor at five years of age, since which time a regency has governed in his name and although disturbances and revolts occur every now and then in the provinces, the imperial form of government appears to gain its number of supporters of the Republic.

The form of government, in my opinion, has now become a secondary consideration, [for] the extent of slavery and the rapid increase of the Negro and Mulatto populations is [the] source from which the ruin of this country will, most inevitably, result before many years. The feeling of caste is so strong in the Brazils that the small minority of whites without stain, as it is termed [fo. 77] of black blood, look with contempt on the Creolas[,Footnote ⁴⁸³ who,] by far the most intelligent and becoming every day more numerous, at present form a middle party. What preserves the actual state of things is, that these Mulattoes despise the Negroes as much as the pure white affect to despise them, but there is no security for a continuance of this state and any few more ambitions […] among the Creole class, by raising the black population, would cause war which would soon become a war of colour and consequent extermination, which is horrible to think of.Footnote ⁴⁸⁴

In the meantime the Brazilians[,] only bent on gain, encourage to their utmost the importation of Negroes, the demand for which has become so great owing to the enormous increase of the coffee and sugar trade […] The great obstacle to [commercial] activity arises from the circulating medium[. A] great introduction of false copper coins from abroad occasions distrust, which, added to political differences, also suspend the sale of the more imported articles of foreign merchandise; the only business that has flourished during the year is that depending on the slave trade, which has been carried on under the Portuguese flag to an immense extent, in defiance of law and will continue until other measures are adopted to prevent it; the feeble policy [at present is] of capturing vessels and apprenticing the slaves without punishing Agents, Owners or Crews, except by condemning the vessels, which at the suggestion of contemptible economy are [fo. 78] put at auction and sold, instead of being broken up or burnt, thereby putting a stop to the trade, at least for a time, until other vessels, suitable for the business, could be purchased, during which period, the restless characters of the adventurers would carry them away and thus interrupt the chain of interest which now connects them[;] besides it has the attraction of small hazards to large profits; new slaves are openly sold throughout the interior, which the government cannot prevent, so long as it finds continuance in public opinion.

Some remarks on the Slave Trade, Rio de Janeiro, March, 1837.

If the English Government really wished to put an end to the Slave Trade, there is no place where a check could be given to it with so much certainty as at Rio; it is nowhere carried on to so great an extent and with so little risk to those engaged in it. The increased demand for Negroes [is] consequent on the Coffee and Sugar trade, inducing great numbers to enter this traffic, which [is] so well organised that there are Companies who insure against all chances at a small rate of 10%; small, when the enormous profit is considered of a successful voyage; the risk to the insurers is from Cruisers on the African Coast.

By the Men-o-war on the Brazilian Station only three small vessels have been captured in the last two years and those more by accident than anything else, while it is notorious that there are now more slaves imported into the Province of Rio than there were even in the years immediately preceding the abolition, when a number of extra vessels were fitted out in order to take advantage of the short time to expire before enforcement of the treaty.Footnote ⁴⁸⁵

[fo. 79] During the last year, 1836, it was calculated that 40,000 have been introduced in Rio de Janeiro alone and keeping within bounds, when they allow 30,000 more for Bahia, Pernambuco and Rio Grande.Footnote ⁴⁸⁶

It is no fault of the Admiral that a greater check to the trade is not given by our Cruisers, [for] the force under his command is barely sufficient to perform the common duties of the Station in protecting the British commerce and visiting the different Ports, especially as owing to the disturbed state of the Provinces, Bahia and Pernambuco. The Captain […] of the vessel […] stationed to the Northward has to pass so much of his time in the principal ports that he cannot take those measures, either for cruising or concealing his movements, which are necessary to afford any chance of surprising the return slavers.

Up to this moment all that we have done has only tended to aggravate the evil, in-as-much as the state of the Negro is concerned[;] to add to this, the numerous instances of vessels being released by a law quibble and want of energy to carry the treaty into execution on the part of the Commissioners has tended much to make Captains of men-o-war cautious in what vessels they detain and who can blame them, when a government allows the doubtful decision of a venal court to ruin a man who has only done his duty.

The Portuguese and Brazilians, even those in authority[,] openly countenance this trade, and many of themselves are directly or indirectly engaged in it. The mixed commission is a farce and our strict conformity to treaties, which are loaded on every occasion by all except ourselves, makes us dupes which we deserve to be.

[fo. 80] I was witness to the impediments in the way to the condemnation of two vessels taken by the Rover Footnote ⁴⁸⁷ and Satellite, and […] the misery of the black is only aggravated who is sent to some mine to work out a few years after having been supposed to have died in a state of apprenticeship.

Upon an average during the different periods of my stay in Rio de Janeiro, I have seen from three to four Clippers and regular known Slavers come and go out of the harbours during the week and when one considers the miserable looking craft may, in the hope of not being suspected, equally contain about 200 unfortunate beings, crammed into a space that would appear increditable [sic], and as was the case in one of the last prizes, without even a deck over them, it is clear that active measures taken by Government couldn't be directed better than anywhere on the coast of Brazil, when the loss in proportion to the near end of the voyage would be so severely felt by the owner or Captain of his vessel; nothing being worse than half measures, our conduct is looked upon as insincere, so much so, that the French Minister here asked me seriously, whether our government really desired an effectual stop to be put to it; they judge from the demand of goods manufactured expressly for the slave market, which are brought to a great amount annually to the Brazils, and in consequence do not believe us when we use only such inadequate means for its suppression and give us credit only for wishing to throw obstacles in the way of the Brazilian sugar and coffee trade in order to pay for our own West Indian Colonies.Footnote ⁴⁸⁸

[fo. 81] Having mentioned how to this extent, the infernal traffic is carried on, I will now describe the means [which] in my opinion would suffice if not to put an end to it, at least to a great extent towards doing so; this I will propose to do by a very different distribution of the Naval force to that at present adopted. The presence of an Admiral or Commodore is deemed at home to be necessary in Rio harbour, [and] such being the case I will also allow a ship to be stationary in the River Plate, with an eight and twenty gun frigate as at present between Bahia and Bannambuco;Footnote ⁴⁸⁹ these vessels, besides attending to the general English business[,] should, at the same time, by assisting when required and information gained, cooperate with the cruisers outside; on these cruisers the success of my plan would depend; they should consist of two steamers or three would be better, of small briganteens, commanded by active and young Lieuts. The steamers alone, owing to the nature of the coast and the irregularity of the land and sea breezes, interrupted by a few hours of calm[,] would cause such a panic to the slave proprietors that I would answer for one half of the present vessels being withdrawn from the trade. One of these steamers stationed off Raga (an Island in the mouth of Rio harbour) might be in constant signal communication with the Admiral. The other two disposed of in the same manner as at Bahia and Bannambuco.

[If] the force of briganteens were dispersed and […] so managed as to be constantly crossing each other's tracks [it] would render what is now of little risk an almost impossible undertaking. The great regularity of seasons and winds renders the Brazils a coast on which all these arrangements can be made with the greatest exactness[;] of course, the directing officer must be a man chosen on [fo. 82] purpose and one able to put this blockade into a proper state, and the Steamers and Brigs should never be interfered with, but kept exclusively for this; were this line of conduct followed and, at the same time, a determination of the Government at home to enforce an honest cooperation on the part of the contracting parties for the fulfilment of the existing treaties, I have no doubt that the Brazilian landed proprietors would soon see the necessity of procuring other cultivators than the poor negroes, who then might hope for a cessation from their present tortures.