¹ C.32 case statement: “Quidam, cum non haberet uxorem, quandam meretricem sibi coniugio copulauit, que erat sterilis, neptis ingenui, filia originarii; quam cum pater uellet alii tradere, auus huic eam copulauit, causa solius incontinenciae. Deinde hic, penitencia ductus, ex ancilla propria filios sibi querere cepit. Postea de adulterio conuictus et punitus quendam rogauit, ut ui uxorem suam opprimeret, ut sic eam dimittere posset … Hic primum queritur, an licite meretrix ducatur in uxorem? Secundo, an ea, que causa incontinenciae ducitur, sit coniunx appellanda? Tercio, cuius arbitrium aliqua sequatur, an liberi aui, an originarii patris? Quarto, si uiuente uxore liceat alicui ex ancilla filios querere? Quinto, si ea, que uim patitur, pudicitiam amittere conprobetur?” ed. Emil Friedberg, in Decretum Gratiani, vol. 1, Corpus iuris canonici (Leipzig, 1879), col. 1115. All translations are my own.

² See Atria A. Larson, “Lucretia (and Lucia) and the Medieval Canonists: Guilt, Consent, and Chastity in the Early Canonistic Jurisprudence of Rape,” Law and History Review 43 (2025), forthcoming.

³ C.32 q.5 d.a.c.1: “Quod autem pudicitia uiolenter eripi non possit, multorum auctoritatibus probatur.”

⁴ C.32 q.5 d.a.c.1: “Unde, quamuis corpus uiolenter corrumpatur, si pudicitia mentis seruetur illesa, tamen castitas duplicatur.”

⁵ C.32 q.5 d.a.c.1: “Sicut B. Lucia fertur dixisse Pascasio: ‘Si inuitam me feceris uiolari, castitas michi duplicabitur ad coronam.’ De sensibus enim et uoluntatibus iudicat Deus.”

⁶ The foundational study of Gratian’s canonistic sources is Peter Landau, “Neue Forschungen zu vorgratianischen Kanonessammlungen und den Quellen des gratianischen Dekrets,” Ius commune 11 (1984): 1–29; repr. in idem, Kanones und Dekretalen: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Quellen des kanonischen Rechts (Goldbach, 1997), 177*–205*. On theological source material, see John C. Wei, “Theology and Theological Sources of Canon Law,” in The Cambridge History of Medieval Canon Law, ed. Anders Winroth and John C. Wei (Cambridge, 2022), 173–91; and Atria A. Larson, “Gratian, Original Sin, and the Sins of the Fathers: A Question of Sources and the Influence of the School of Laon,” Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 36 (2019): 175–93.

⁷ On the history of Saint Lucy in literature and art, with special attention to the textual witnesses to her acts in Greek and Latin, see Ottavio Garana Capodieci, Santa Lucia nella tradizione, nella storia, nell’arte (Syracuse, 1958). Lucy’s martyrdom was attested from early times in connection to the Diocletian persecution, and celebration of her in the liturgy is noticeable in the work of Gregory the Great. On the development of the Greek passio and the cult of Lucy in Byzantium, see Anna Lampadarini, “The Origins and Later Development of the First Italo-Greek Hagiographies: The Dossiers of the Sicilian Martyrs Agatha, Lucia, and Euplus,” in Interacting with Saints in the Late Antique and Medieval Worlds, ed. Robert Wiśniewski, Raymond Van Dam, and Bryan Ward-Perkins (Turnhout, 2023), 181–210.

⁸ Much of the account in Jacobus de Voragine is found in the Greek acts of Lucy. See Capodieci, Santa Lucia, 21–28 and 114–15. The various elements of Lucy’s vita allowed her to represent more than one ideal. See Anthony K. Cassell, “Saint Lucia as Patroness of Sight: Hagiography, Iconography, and Dante,” Dante Studies 109 (1991): 71–88.

⁹ William Granger Ryan, “Prologue,” The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints, trans. William Granger Ryan, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1993), 1:3. The Latin basis for Ryan’s translation is Jacobi a Voragine, Legenda aurea vulgo historia lombardica dicta, ed. Dr. Th. Graesse, 2^nd ed. (Leipzig, 1850). For a modern critical edition, see Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda Aurea, ed. Giovanni Paolo Maggioni (Sismel, 1998). For a study of the structure and content of the Legenda Aurea, see Jacques Le Goff, In Search of Sacred Time: Jacobus Voragine and the Golden Legend, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane (Princeton, 2014).

¹⁰ Legenda aurea 49–55, ed. Maggioni, 51: “Pascasius dixit: ‘In te ergo spiritus sanctus est?’ Lucia respondit: ‘Ancilla dei sum, qui dixit: ‘Qui caste uiuunt, templum spiritus sancti sunt’. Cui Pascasius: ‘Ego faciam te duci ad lupanar ut ibi uiolationem accipias et spiritum sanctum perdas’. Cui Lucia: ‘Non inquinatur corpus nisi de consenu mentis. Nam si me inuitam uiolati federis, castitas mihi duplicabitur ad coronam; nunquam autem uoluntatem meam ad consensum poteris prouocare’,” trans. Ryan, 28.

¹¹ Bede’s section on Lucy is found in his Martyrologia, PL 94, cols. 799–1148, at 1131–32.

¹² On Roger, see Francesco Calò, “Devozione privata e ostentazione politica: Ruggero I il Gran Conte e la diffusione del culto di santa Lucia tra Sicilia e Meridione d’Italia,” History and Art 1 (2018): 65–101 (special issue: ‘Set Me as a Seal Upon Thy Heart’: Constructions of Female Sanctity in Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages, and the Early Modern Period). On the monastery, its property, and its relationship to pastoral care in the diocese of Bologna, see Renzo Zagnoni, “Santa Lucia di Roffeno: Un monastero nonantolano nei secoli XI–XIV,” in L’abbazia di Santa Lucia di Roffeno nel Medioevo, lungo la strada Piccola Cassia: Atti del Convegno di studi Bologna, Biblioteca dell’Archiginnasio (Bologna, 2018), 21–74.

¹³ Thomas J. Heffernan, “The Liturgy and the Literature of Saints’ Lives,” in The Liturgy of the Medieval Church, ed. Thomas J. Heffernan and E. Ann Matter, 2^nd ed. (Kalamazoo, 2005), 65–94.

¹⁴ Heffernan, “Liturgy and the Literature of Saints’ Lives,” 74 and 79–82.

¹⁵ Philippus Oppenheim, De vetustioribus breviariorum codicibus manuscriptis: Inquisitiones et adnotationes (Torino, 1949), 54. An example of an extant twelfth-century breviary is Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 4928, with a section entitled de tempore et de sanctis on fols. 25–85. The manuscript is written in Beneventan script and belonged to the abbey of S. Sophia. All the references to texts to be read are in an abbreviated form, so one would still in this case have to use other books for the actual readings. For a description of the manuscript and its contents, see Hugo Ehrensberger, Libri Liturgici Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae (Freiburg, 1897), 206–208.

¹⁶ It used to be a commonplace in scholarly literature that Gratian was a Camaldolese monk, but this identification is now open to question. Nonetheless, it is not inconceivable that he was a religious rather than a secular priest. See Orazio Condorelli, “Graziano,” Dictionario biografico dei giuristi italiani, XII-XX secolo, 2 vols. (Bologna, 2013), 1:1058–61; John T. Noonan, Jr., “Gratian Slept Here: The Changing Identity of the Father of the Systematic Study of Canon Law,” Traditio 35 (1979): 145–72; and Anders Winroth, “Where Gratian Slept: The Life and Death of the Father of Canon Law,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 99 (2013): 105–28.

¹⁷ Not every region, even in Italy, followed the same breviary. Cyrille Vogel, Medieval Liturgy: An Introduction to the Sources, rev. and trans. William G. Storey and Niels Krogh Rasmussen (Washington DC, 1986), 299, determined that, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the Roman rite was not dominant throughout Italy, let alone Latin Christendom. Rather, in those centuries, “Roman liturgical influence was confined below a line passing through Umbria and Nursia” (Vogel, Medieval Liturgy, 299). Even farther to the south, the Beneventan rite predominated. Regardless of where Gratian was born, he spent a large portion of his life in Bologna and likely hailed from that region. Bologna sits squarely north of the line identified by Vogel in an area that operated under the influence of the Ambrosian rite of Milan. So, if he had access to a breviary, it may have been one of the Ambrosian rite. On the development of the Roman breviary, with some notable changes in the thirteenth century, see Heffernan, “Liturgy and the Literature of Saints’ Lives,” 87 n. 55.

¹⁸ For a discussion of the genres of passiones, acta, and vitae largely in terms of their late antique origins, early history, and literary features, see Réginald Grégoire, Manuale di agiologia: Introduzione alla letteratura agiografica, 2^nd ed. (Fabriano, 1996), esp. 109–59. The best introduction to these kinds of texts in their manuscript form, rather than in terms of literary analysis, is Guy Phillippart, Les légendiers latins et autres manuscrits hagiographiques (Turnhout, 1977).

¹⁹ Ernst Tremp and Rudolf Gamper, Geschichte und Hagiographie in Sanktgaller Handschriften: Katalog durch die Ausstellung in der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen (2. Dezember 2002 – 9. November 2003) (Klosterhof St. Gallen, 2003), 37.

²⁰ Tremp and Gamper count forty-five hagiographical manuscripts of the eighth through twelfth centuries in the Sankt Gallen collection alone. The term “hagiographical” admittedly covers a vast array of materials, namely, anything to do with saints, but stricter genre qualifications would seem to invite more problems: Dieter van der Nahmer, Die lateinischen Heiligenvita: Eine Enführung in die lateinische Hagiographie (Darmstadt, 1994), 3–4 and 131–45.

²¹ Ehrensberger, Libri Liturgici Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 57 (BAV, Vat. lat 1194, fol. 56v–59r, which Ehrensberger dates to the tenth century, but M.-H. Laurent correctly dates to the twelfth century in Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1135–1266 [Vatican City, 1958], 102–104), 68 (BAV, Vat. lat. 6073, fol. 1 [eleventh cent.]), 79 (BAV, Vat. lat. 6933, fol. 225 and 255 [twelfth or thirteenth cent.; incomplete passio S. Luciae]), 84 (BAV, Vat. lat. 6444, fol. 14 [twelfth cent., belonging to the Augustinian house of canons at Frankenthal, founded 1119; I disagree with the Ehrensberger’s dating to the thirteenth century because the script dates from the first half of the twelfth century]), 91 (BAV, Vat. lat. 1190, fol. 251vb [eleventh cent., belonging to the Church of St. John in Ravenna]), and 97 (BAV, Vat. lat. 1197, fol. 44ra [eleventh cent., in Beneventan script]). I have examined these BAV manuscripts on digi.vatlib.it whenever possible. In the case of Vat. lat. 1194, which has not been digitized, I examined the manuscript on microfilm (roll 125) at the Vatican Film Library at Saint Louis University.

²² The manuscript identifies the contents as Vitae sanctorum, and the passion narrative of Lucy appears on fols. 17v–18v. Its companion volume is Lincoln, Cathedral Chapter Library 150. The identification of Leominster as the likely original proprietor was made in Medieval Libraries of Great Britain: A List of Surviving Books, Supplement to the Second Edition, ed. N. R. Ker and Andrew G. Watson (London, 1987), 44. Watson dates it to the third quarter of the twelfth century. I have examined this manuscript in person.

²³ B. 053 Inf., fols. 28r–29v (eleventh century); B. 049 Inf., fols. 19v–21r (c. 1100); E. 084 Inf., fols. 289r–290v (twelfth century); and B. 033 Inf., fol. 181va–182vb (thirteenth cent.). I have examined microfilms of each of these manuscripts.

²⁴ BAV, Vat. lat. 377, fol. 80rb–80vb. See the general description of its contents in Ehrensberger, Libri Liturgici Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, 173–74. The text gives an abbreviated account, focusing on the passion portion of the narrative including the dialogue between Paschasius and Lucy but omitting details about Lucy’s earlier life and her faith and devotion to Saint Agatha that saved her mother’s life. It seems to be adapted from BHL 4992, but it is not a version specifically registered in the BHL.

²⁵ BAV, Vat. lat. 1194, fol. 58ra: “Numquid inquinatur corpus nisi ex consensu mentis. Nam et si in manu mea thura ponas et per manus meas facias sacrificium, deus hec attendet et deridet. De sensibus enim et de uoluntatibus iudicat. Nam sic patitur uiolatorem castitas sicut serpentem, sicut latronem, sicut barbarum. Et si me inuitam feceris uiolare, castitas michi duplicabitur ad coronam.” Variants in other manuscripts include videt or ridet for deridet (videt seems to be the most common), and consensu for sensibus. The twelfth-century martyrology belonging to the Carthusians in Bologna has the same reading as the other copies of the passio S. Luciae quoted above, except for a minor variant on the verb tense of “redoubled” (duplicatur instead of duplicabitur). See BAV, Vat. lat. 377, vol. 80va: “Numquam inquinatur corpus nisi de consensu mentis. Nam etsi in manu mea thura ponas et per manum meam facias sacrificium, deus hoc attendit et videt. De sensibus enim et uoluntatibus iudicat. Sic patitur uiolatorem castitatis, sicut latronem, sicut barbarum. Nam si me inuitam uiolari feceris, castitas mihi duplicatur ad coronam.”

²⁶ C.32 q.5 d.a.c.1: “Unde, quamuis corpus uiolenter corrumpatur, si pudicitia mentis seruetur illesa, tamen castitas duplicatur. Sicut B. Lucia fertur dixisse Pascasio: ‘Si inuitam me feceris uiolari, castitas michi duplicabitur ad coronam’. De sensibus enim et uoluntatibus iudicat Deus.”