No CrossRef data available.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 May 2025
This article argues that the spatial experiences created by the architectural features of Christian sacred spaces on the Roman frontiers of the fourth and fifth centuries were fundamental to how such spaces were perceived and engaged with. It suggests that the principles of spatial design established in Constantine’s basilicas of Rome and the Holy Land influenced the experience of Christian worship, ritual and commemoration on the Roman frontiers. While these frontier Christian sacred spaces generally followed the architectural trends of Constantinian models, they also showed distinct local adaptations. This study highlights the important role of architectural spatial design in shaping religious experiences on the Roman frontiers, illustrating the dynamic relationship between architecture, worship and regional cultural contexts. It shows both continuity with Constantinian norms and evidence of adaptability and localized expressions of Christian sacred architecture on the Roman empire’s peripheries.
This article stems from research conducted during my Master’s dissertation in Roman Frontier Studies. I extend my gratitude to Dr Rob Collins and Dr Mark Jackson (The School of History, Classics and Archaeology, Newcastle University) for their guidance and encouragement to pursue publication. I also thank Marta Alberti-Dunn for her invaluable assistance in shaping this article, Lorena Hitchens for feedback on early drafts, and Rachel Kendall-Daw for constructive suggestions on the post-peer review draft. Lastly, I appreciate the peer reviewers whose critiques greatly refined the article’s core arguments.
1 Although the terms ‘ritual’ and ‘liturgy’ both reference structured and symbolic actions, they are not synonymous. While ritual is diverse and flexible, liturgy has more formal and communal connotations relating to public worship. For the purposes of this article, the term ‘liturgy’ will be used solely in reference to the eucharistic liturgy. For a helpful discussion on the similarities and differences between ritual and liturgy, see ‘Ritual vs. Liturgy: Understanding the Differences in Religious Practices’, LoreCat(alog), online at: <https://lore-cat.com/liturgy-vs-ritual/>, accessed 30 August 2024. This article will principally focus on spatial experience from the perspective of the lay worshipper, rather than of the celebrating clergy.
2 Krautheimer, Richard, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 4th edn revised edition by Krautheimer, Richard and Ćurčić, Slobodan (New Haven, CT, 1986; first publ. 1965), 24 Google Scholar; Michael White, The Social Origins of Christian Architecture, 1: Building God’s House in the Roman World. Architectural Adaptation Among Pagans, Jews and Christians (Valley Forge, PA, 1990), 107.
3 Cianca, Jenn, Sacred Ritual, Profane Space: The Roman House as Early Christian Meeting Place (Montreal, 2018), 33 Google Scholar.
4 Yasin, Ann Marie, Saints and Church Spaces in the Late Antique Mediterranean: Architecture, Cult, and Community (Cambridge, 2009), 14, 44Google Scholar; Cianca, Sacred Ritual, Profane Space, 135, 170.
5 For the debate around the architectural category domus ecclesiae, see Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 26–9; White, Social Origins of Christian Architecture, 20–5; Bowes, Kim, ‘Early Christian Archaeology: A State of the Field’, Religious Compass 2 (2008), 576–617, at 579–82Google Scholar; Sessa, Kristina, ‘ Domus Ecclesiae: Rethinking a Category of Ante-Pacem Christian Space’, Journal of Theological Studies 60 (2009), 90–108 10.1093/jts/fln173CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 For a detailed case study of the domus ecclesiae at Dura Europos, see Cianca, Sacred Ritual, Profane Space, 91–104.
7 Sessa, ‘Domus Ecclesiae’, 108.
8 The term tituli originates from the marble slab inscribed with the property owner’s name, establishing the claim to ownership. For a brief modern discussion of the titular churches, see Stewart, Charles, ‘Churches’, in Pettigrew, David, Caraher, William and Davis, Thomas, eds, The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Archaeology (Oxford, 2019), 128–46, at 131–3Google Scholar.
9 Sessa, ‘Domus Ecclesiae’ 93–4, 106–8; compare also Bowes, ‘Early Christian Archaeology’, 580–1.
10 Lenski, Noel, ‘The Significance of the Edict of Milan’, in Siecienski, Edward, ed., Constantine: Religious Faith and Imperial Policy (London, 2019), 27–56, at 27–9Google Scholar.
11 Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 39.
12 Eusebius, Vita Constantini 2.4, 46.3; ET: Eusebius, Life of Constantine, transl. and commentary Averil Cameron and Stuart Hall (Oxford, 1999), 111.
13 Ward-Perkins, John, ‘Constantine and the Origins of the Christian Basilica’, Papers of the British School at Rome 22 (1954), 69–90, at 69–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
14 For the debate around the Christian basilica, see Ward-Perkins, ‘Constantine and the Origins of the Christian Basilica’, 69–90; Krautheimer, Richard, ‘The Constantinian Basilica’, Dumbarton Oak Papers 21 (1967), 115–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Armstrong, Gregory, ‘Constantine’s Churches: Symbol and Structure’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 33 (1974), 5–16 10.2307/988835CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kinney, Dale, ‘The Church Basilica’, Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 15 (2001), 115–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stewart, ‘Churches’, 134–41.
15 Dix, Gregory, The Shape of the Liturgy, 2nd edn (London, 1945; repr. London, 1993), 397 Google Scholar.
16 Ibid. 397, 448–9; Yasin, Saints and Church Spaces, 290.
17 McGowan, Anne and Bradshaw, Paul, The Pilgrimage of Egeria: A New Translation of the Itinerarium Egeriae with Introduction and Commentary (Collegeville, MN, 2018), 68–101 Google Scholar.
18 Ward-Perkins, ‘Constantine and the Origins of the Christian Basilica’, 87.
19 Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 48. It is noteworthy that Eusebius, in his first-hand description of the new church at Tyre, speaks of the physical division of the church: ‘In the middle he [Bishop Paulinus] placed the holy of holies – the altar – excluding the congregation from this area by surrounding it with wooden latticework of marvelous artistry.’ Eusebius, The Church History 10.4.44, transl. and commentary Paul Maier (Grand Rapids, MI, 2007), 317.
20 Bosman, Lex et al., ‘Visualising the Constantinian Basilica’, in Bosman, Lex, Haynes, Ian P. and Liverani, Paolo, eds, The Basilica of Saint John Lateran to 1600 (Cambridge, 2020), 134–67, at 156–6210.1017/9781108885096.008CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
21 Dale Kinney, ‘The Church Basilica’, 131–2.
22 White, ‘Architecture: The First Five Centuries’, 735.
23 Ibid. 728.
24 Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 57.
25 McGowan and Bradshaw, The Pilgrimage of Egeria, 61–2; Kelly, Justin, The Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Text and Archaeology (Oxford, 2019), 10–11, 109CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
26 White, ‘Architecture: The First Five Centuries’, 730.
27 Ibid.
28 Ibid. 735–6.
29 Vincenzo Fiocchi Nicolai, ‘The Catacombs’, in Pettigrew, Caraher and Davis, eds, The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Archaeology, 67–84, at 73.
30 Ibid. 67.
31 Ibid. 75.
32 Brandt, Olof, ‘Understanding the Structures of Early Christian Baptisteries’, in Hellholm, David et al., eds, Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism and Early Christianity (Berlin and Boston, MA, 2011), 1587–610, at 158810.1515/9783110247534.1587CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
33 Ibid. 1592–3.
34 Ibid. 1593.
35 Ibid. 1601–2.
36 Boozer, Anna, ‘Frontiers and Borderlands in Imperial Perspectives: Exploring Rome’s Egyptian Frontier’, American Journal of Archaeology 117 (2013), 275–9210.3764/aja.117.2.0275CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kucera, Paul N., ‘An Oasis Border in the Fourth Century CE: The Evidence from Dakhleh’, in Warfe, Ashten et al., eds, Dust, Demons and Pots: Studies in Honour of Colin A. Hope (Leuven, 2020), 425–36, at 434CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
37 Bowen, Gillian, ‘Christianity in Dakhleh Oasis: An Archaeological Overview’, in eadem and Hope, Colin, eds, The Oasis Papers, 9: A Tribute to Anthony J. Mills after 40 Years of Research in Dakhleh Oasis. Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project (Oxford, 2019), 367–80, at 367Google Scholar.
38 Ibid. 378.
39 Bowen, Gillian, ‘The Christian Monuments of Kellis: Churches and Cemeteries’, in Hope, Colin and eadem, eds, The Excavations at Ismant Al-Kharab, 2: The Christian Monuments of Kellis: The Churches and Cemeteries (Oxford, 2024), 414–8Google Scholar. There is literary evidence for the presence of a Manichean community at Kellis. As there is no evidence to suggest a connection between the three Kellis churches, this community is not discussed here. It is, however, possible that members of the Manichean community were buried in the Christian cemeteries of Kellis: see Bowen, ‘The Christian Monuments of Kellis’, 419.
40 Bowen, Gillian, ‘The Small East Church at Ismant el-Kharab’, in eadem and Hope, Colin, eds, The Oasis Papers, 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project (Oxford, 2003), 153–65, at 154Google Scholar.
41 Bowen, Gillian, ‘The Churches’, in Hope, Colin and eadem, eds, Kellis: A Roman-Period Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis (Cambridge, 2022), 269–88, at 274 Google Scholar.
42 Bowen, ‘Kellis: A Roman Village’, 163–4.
43 Bowen, ‘Small East Church’, 158–9; Bowen, ‘The Churches’, 271.
44 Bowen, ‘The Churches’, 273.
45 Gillian Bowen proposes a terminus post quem of 313–31: see Bowen, ‘The Christian Monuments of Kellis’, 138–40.
46 Ibid. 177.
47 Grossman, Peter, ‘Early Christian Architecture in Egypt’, in Bagnell, Roger, ed., Egypt in the Byzantine World 300–700 (Cambridge, 2007), 103–36, at 104 Google Scholar.
48 Ibid. 104–15. Whilst highlighting this retention of an earlier architectural tradition in parts of Egypt, Grossman also recognizes that comparison with other parts of the empire is challenging, as the abandonment of the transverse aisles in the construction of churches in the rest of the empire may have occurred at an earlier date, but for which archaeological evidence is now scant.
49 Bowen, ‘The Churches’, 275–6.
50 Ibid. 276.
51 Peshchlow, Urs, ‘Dividing Interior Space in Early Byzantine Churches: The Barriers between the Nave and Aisles’, in Gerstel, Sharon, ed., Thresholds of the Sacred: Architectural, Art Historical, Liturgical and Theological Perspectives on Religious Screens, East and West (Washington, DC, 2006), 53–71 Google Scholar; Bowen, ‘The Churches’, 276.
52 Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 486 n. 14; Jensen, Robin, ‘Recovering Ancient Ecclesiology: The Place of the Altar and the Orientation of Prayer in the Early Latin Church’, Worship 89 (2015), 99–124, at 103–13Google Scholar.
53 Elizabeth Bolman, ‘Veiling Sanctity in Christian Egypt: Visual and Spatial Solutions’, in Gerstel, ed, Thresholds of the Sacred, 73–104, at 760.
54 Bowen, ‘The Churches’, 276.
55 Bowen, The Christian Monuments of Kellis, 177.
56 Ibid. 87, 177.
57 Peter Grossman, ‘Typological Considerations on the Large East Church at Ismant el-Kharab’, in Hope and Bowen, eds, Dakhleh Oasis Project, 153–6, at 153 n. 2.
58 Bowen, The Christian Monuments of Kellis, 177.
59 Olof Brandt, ‘Understanding the Structures of Early Christian Baptisteries’, 1597–8.
60 Bagnall, Roger, The Kellis Agricultural Account Book (P. Kell. IV Gr.96) (Oxford, 1997), 81 Google Scholar.
61 Gillian Bowen, Personal communication by email, 25 August 2024.
62 Bowen, Gillian, ‘Christianity at Mut al-Kharab (ancient Mothis), Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt’, in Di Bianse-Dyson, Camilla and Donovan, Leonie, eds, The Cultural Manifestations or Religious Experience: Studies in Honour of Boyo Ockinga (Münster, 2017), 241–8, at 243Google Scholar.
63 Bowen, Christian Monuments of Kellis, 138.
64 Bowen, ‘Fourth Century Churches’, 77.
65 Bowen, ‘The Churches’, 284.
66 Bowen, Christian Monuments of Kellis, 305. In addition to the cemetery attached to the West Church Complex, a large cemetery (K2) has also been discovered at Kellis. Over 700 graves, predominantly simple pit graves but also a few small tombs, have been excavated. All the graves were consistent with Christian burial practice: see Gillian Bowen, ‘Christian Burial Practices’, in Hope and eadem, eds, Kellis: A Roman-Period Village, 343–66.
67 Bowen, ‘Fourth Century Churches’, 78; eadem, ‘Christian Burial Practices’, 358–60. Christians were traditionally buried facing east due to the scriptural teaching that Christ’s second coming would be from the east. Burial facing east meant that Christians would be ready to meet their saviour.
68 Bowen, Christian Monuments of Kellis, 306.
69 Ibid. 328.
70 Ibid. 305.
71 Plesa, Alexandra, ‘Religious Belief in Burial: Funerary Dress and Practice in Late Antique and Early Islamic Cemeteries at Matmar and Mostagedda (Late Fourth-Early Ninth Centuries CE)’, Ars Orientalis 47 (2017), 18–42, at 3410.3998/ars.13441566.0047.002CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
72 Grossman, Peter, ‘Churches and Meeting Halls in Necropoleis and Crypts in Intramural Churches’, in O’Connell, Elisabeth, ed., Egypt in the First Millennium AD – Perspectives from New Fieldwork (Leuven, 2014), 93–123, at 93, 97Google Scholar; Bowen, Christian Monuments of Kellis, 306.
73 Russell, Paul, ‘Nisibis as the Background to the Life of Ephrem the Syrian’, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 8 (2011), 179–236, at 218Google Scholar.
74 Keser-Kayaalp, Elif and Erdoğan, Nihat, ‘The Cathedral Complex at Nisibis’, Anatolian Studies 63 (2013), 137–54, at 14010.1017/S0066154613000070CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
75 Ibid. 143.
76 Egeria, Itinerarium Egeriae 20.12, in McGowan and Bradshaw, The Pilgrimage of Egeria, 144; Barnes, Timothy, ‘Constantine and the Christians of Persia’, The Journal of Roman Studies 75 (1985), 126–36, at 131CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
77 Keser-Kayaalp and Erdoğan, ‘Cathedral Complex at Nisibis’, 143.
78 Ibid. 148.
79 Karataş, Lale and Dal, Murat, ‘A Proposal for the Restitution of the World’s First Baptistry and University, Mor Yakup Church, Turkey’, Journal of World Architecture 7 (2023), 72–82, at 75Google Scholar.
80 Ferguson, Everett, Baptism in the Early Church: History, Theology, and Liturgy in the First Five Centuries (Grand Rapids, MI, 2009), 820 Google Scholar.
81 The exact date of the cathedral’s destruction remains uncertain, with theories suggesting it may have been destroyed by the Persians in 573 or the early 800s, or as a result of the 717 earthquake: Keser-Kayaalp and Erdoğan, ‘Cathedral Complex at Nisibis’, 143.
82 Keser-Kayaalp and Erdoğan, ‘Cathedral Complex at Nisibis’, 152; Ferguson, Baptism in the Early Church, 819.
83 Egeria, Itinerarium Egeriae 38.1–2 (McGowan and Bradshaw, The Pilgrimage of Egeria, 179).
84 Richard Rutherford, ‘Baptisteries in Ancient Sites and Rites’, in Pettigrew, Caraher and Davis, eds, The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Archaeology, 167–87, at 176.
85 Atanassov, ‘Christianity along the Lower Danube Limes in the Roman Provinces of Dacia Ripensis, Moesia Secunda and Scythia Minor’, in Liudmil Vagalinski, Nicolay Sharankov and Sergey Torbatov, eds, The Lower Danube Limes (1st-6th C. AD) (Sofia, 2012), 327–80, at 327.
86 The History of Theophylact Simocatta 7.2.17, transl. Michael and Mary Whitby (Oxford, 1986), 182.
87 Čičikova, Maria, ‘La basilique et la nécropole paléochrétiennes extra muros de Novae (Mesie Inferieure)’, in Biernacki, Andrzej and Pawlak, Piotr, eds, Late Roman and Early Byzantine Sites on the Lower Danube (Poznan, 1997), 57–69, at 61–2Google Scholar.
88 Ibid. 62.
89 Ibid. 61.
90 Biernacki, Andrzej, ‘A City of Christians: Novae in the 5th and 6th C. AD’, Archaeologia Bulgarica 9 (2005), 53–74, at 54Google Scholar.
91 Čičikova, ‘La basilique et la nécropole paléochrétiennes’, 59; Biernacki, ‘A City of Christians’, 56.
92 Gregory of Nyssa, Life of Saint Macrina, transl. with introduction and notes by Kevin Corrigan (Toronto, 1996), 49.
93 Yasin, Saints and Church Spaces, 65.
94 Atanassov, ‘Christianity along the Lower Danube Limes’, 348.
95 Grossman, ‘Churches and Meeting Halls’, 111.
96 Yasin, Saints and Church Spaces, 287.
97 Ibid.
98 Biernacki, ‘A City of Christians’, 57.
99 Biernacki, Andrzej, ‘The Bishopric of Novae (Moesia Secunda, 4th-6th Cent.): History, Daily Life’, in Brandt, Olof, ed., Acta XV Congressus internationalis archaeologiae christianae: Toleti (8–12.9.2008). Episcopus, civitas, territorium, 2 vols (Vatican City, 2013), 1: 895–914, at 737Google Scholar.
100 Biernacki ‘Bishopric of Novae’, 739–40; Yasin, Saints and Church Spaces, 70.
101 Biernacki, ‘City of Christians’, 60.
102 Ferguson, Baptism in the Early Church, 819.
103 Brandt, ‘Structures of Early Christian Baptisteries’, 1601–2; Biernacki, ‘A City of Christians’, 60.
104 Yasin, Saints and Church Spaces, 287.
105 Bidwell, Paul and Speak, Stephen, Excavations at South Shields Roman Fort, vol. 1 (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1994), 103–4Google Scholar; Crow, James, Housesteads: A Fort and Garrison on Hadrian’s Wall (Stroud, 2004), 114 Google Scholar; Wilmott, Tony, Cool, Hilary and Evans, Jerry, ‘Excavations at the Hadrian’s Wall Fort of Birdoswald (Banna), Cumbria’, in Wilmott, Tony, ed., Hadrian’s Wall: Archaeological Research by English Heritage 1976–2000 (Liverpool, 2009), 395 Google Scholar.
106 Birley, Andrew and Alberti, Marta, Vindolanda Excavation Research Report (Bardon Mill, 2021), 6, 68Google Scholar.
107 Ibid. 22.
108 Birley, Robin, Birley, Andrew and Blake, Justin, The 1998 Excavations at Vindolanda: The Praetorium Site Interim Report (Greenhead, 1999), 21 Google Scholar.
109 Collins, Rob, ‘The Culture of Command in the 4th and 5th Centuries in Northern Britannia ’, in Hodgson, Nick and Griffiths, Bill, eds, Roman Frontier Archaeology in Britain and Beyond (Oxford, 2022), 243–55, at 251–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
110 Birley and Alberti, Vindolanda Excavation Research Report, 23.
111 Birley, Birley and Blake, The 1998 Excavations at Vindolanda, 20–1; Breeze, David, Collingwood Bruce’s Handbook to the Roman Wall, 14th edn (Newcastle upon Tyne, 2006; first publ. 1885), 441–2Google Scholar; Andrew Birley, Personal communication by e-mail, 23 June 2022.
112 Birley and Alberti, Vindolanda Excavation Research Report, 23.
113 Ibid. 49.
114 Ibid.
115 Part of another apse was excavated nearby, but as the majority of the rest of the building fell outside the 2008–12 Scheduled Monument Consent, full investigation is yet to be undertaken: ibid. 34, 68.
116 Ibid. 41.
117 Ibid.
118 It is unclear whether the enclosed tank continued to serve a practical purpose, if and when it was used for baptism. However, it seems at least plausible that the sacred nature of the baptismal rituals might have led to the tank’s being reserved for this sacred purpose.
119 Brandt, ‘Understanding the Structures of Early Christian Baptisteries’, 1597–8.
120 Birley and Alberti, Vindolanda Excavation Research Report, 55–8, 68–71.
121 Images of these buildings and artefacts can be found in Birley and Alberti, Vindolanda Excavation Research Report, Apsidal Building b, 56 (figure 36); Apsidal Building c, 57 (figure 37); Christian symbols and markings, 172 (plate 14); the nail-cleaning strap-end, 49 (figure 31); the lead vessel, 38, 120–1 (figure 38 and plates 12 and 13).