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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 January 2025
Under section 128 of the Australian Constitution federal parliamentarians have the power to initiate constitutional amendments. This paper examines the justifications of politicians and public figures for proposing a referendum to introduce an Australian republic. From interviews conducted between 2008 and 2011, three important justifications for proposing change emerged: promoting a new national identity; success in passing a referendum and in re-election; and timeliness. An examination of these justifications raised additional questions, including: what reasons did politicians and public figures think were significant? How did their justifications form and develop? What were the reasons that inspired political action? The reasons for initiation of a referendum for a republic, and recognition of indigenous people in the Australian Constitution are also compared. The paper adds to the literature on formal constitutional change, and also offers a critique of the field.
I wish to thank for their assistance, Mr Tom Andrews, Mr Patrick Coleridge, Ms Candice Parr and Ms Claire Tonner who read material to me, transcribed interviews and provided research assistance. A special debt is owed to Sarah Shrubb who read the paper and offered comments. Special thanks must also be given to the Law Research Service. Finally, I am grateful for the comments of the anonymous referees and the editors. The errors are my own.
1 See, eg, SirGerard, Brennan, ‘The Parameters of Constitutional Change’ (2009) 35(1) Monash University Law Review 1Google Scholar; Glenn, Patmore, Choosing the Republic (UNSW Press, 2009)Google Scholar; George, Williams and David, Hume, People Power: The History and Future of the Referendum in Australia (UNSW Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Sarah, Murray (ed), Constitutional Perspectives on an Australian Republic: Essays in Honour of Professor George Winterton (Federation Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Peter Gerangelos, ‘The Winterton Thesis, Post-Referendum Reflections, and Reform (Republic or Not)’ (Paper presented at the Gilbert and Tobin Centre for Constitutional Law Conference, Sydney, 18 February 2011).
2 See, eg, Senate Legal and Constitutional References Committee, Parliament of Australia, The Road to a Republic (2004); Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, Responding to the Australia 2020 Summit (2009) Australia 2020 <www.australia2020.gov.au/response/index.cfm>; Senate Finance and Public Administration Legislation Committee, Parliament of Australia, Plebiscite for an Australian Republic Bill 2008 (June 2009).
3 See, eg, Williams and Hume, above n 1. As Professor Jason Pierce remarked in 2006, ‘only a handful of American public law studies have employed interviews, and most of these relied on interviewing as a secondary research tool to identify variables and frame hypotheses': Jason, Pierce, Inside the Mason Court Revolution: The High Court of Australia Transformed (Carolina Academic Press, 2006) 298Google Scholar. See also Clement, E Vose, Constitutional Change: Amendment Politics and Supreme Court Litigation Since 1900 (Lexington Books, 1972)Google Scholar; Karen, O'Connor and Lee, Epstein, ‘The Importance of Interest Group Involvement in Employment Discrimination Litigation’ (1982) 7(3) Black Law Journal 411Google Scholar; H W, Perry, Deciding to Decide: Agenda Setting in the United States Supreme Court (Harvard University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Kevin, T McGuire, The Supreme Court Bar: Legal Elites in the Washington Community (University Press of Virginia, 1993)Google Scholar; Bernard, Schwartz, Decision: How the Supreme Court Decides Cases (Oxford University Press, 1996)Google Scholar; Charles, R Epp, The Rights Revolution: Lawyers, Activists, and Supreme Courts in Comparative Perspective (University of Chicago Press, 1998)Google Scholar. In Australia, few public law researchers have used interviews, and most of those who have focused on the courts: see, eg, Pierce; Robert, Thomson, The Judges (Allen & Unwin, 1987)Google Scholar; Garry, Sturgess and Philip, Chubb, Judging the World: Law and Politics in the World's Leading Courts (Butterworths, 1988)Google Scholar; Carolyn, Evans and Beth, Gaze, ‘Discrimination by Religious Schools: Views from the Coal Face’ (2010) 34 Melbourne University Law Review 392Google Scholar.
4 The interview-based research takes a socio-legal approach that is focused on initiation of constitutional amendment: see Sharyn, L Roach Anleu, Law and Social Change (Sage Publications, 2nd ed, 2010) 6Google Scholar; Richard Johnstone, ‘Empirical Research in Labour Law’ (Paper presented at the Australian Labour Law Association National Conference, Adelaide, 18 November 2010).
5 Each interview ranged from half an hour to an hour and was digitally recorded and later transcribed. Transcriptions were analysed for views regarding the initiation of and support for — or opposition to — the proposals for a constitutional amendment. Quotations have been taken directly from transcriptions; minimal changes have been made to the text to enhance readability. Where possible direct and unedited quotations have been included in the text of the paper. Where it has been necessary to make minor changes for clarity, these modifications are clearly marked in accordance with conventional punctuation. Minor editing to clarify meaning and enhance legibility is common when using interview transcripts: Andrew, Kenyon, ‘Lange and Reynolds Qualified Privilege: Australian and English Defamation Law and Practice’ (2004) 28 Melbourne University Law Review 406, 421Google Scholar; see, generally, Patricia, Ewick and Susan, S Silbey, The Common Place of Law: Stories from Everyday Life (University of Chicago Press, 1998) 259Google Scholar.
6 See Ewick and Silbey, above n 5, 141−142; David, Silverman, Doing Qualitative Research: A Practical Handbook (Sage Publications, 2000) 175Google Scholar. Researchers are also concerned about the validity of their data, and whether the data provides a meaningful description of the social phenomenon: at 177. The interviewees also provide meaningful responses about how political actors address questions of constitutional change, since it is their views that are the object of this study.
7 See, eg, William, G Axinn and Lisa, D Pearce, Mixed Method Data Collection Strategies (Cambridge University Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Nigel, Fielding (ed), Interviewing II (Sage Publications, 2009)Google Scholar; Steinar, Kvale and Svend, Brinkmann, InterViews: Learning the Craft of Qualitative Research Interviewing (Sage Publications, 2nd ed, 2009)Google Scholar.
8 Victor, Minichiello, Rosalie, Aroni and Terrence, Hays, In-Depth Interviewing: Principles, Techniques, Analysis (Pearson Education Australia, 3rd ed, 2008) 194Google Scholar.
9 Victor, Minichiello et al, In-Depth Interviewing: Researching People (Longman, 2nd ed, 1995) 14Google Scholar.
10 Nueman, quoted in Johnstone, above n 4, 9; Silverman, above n 6, 175-90. For a detailed elaboration on reliability and replicability issues in qualitative research studies see Clive, Seale, The Quality of Qualitative Research (Sage Publications, 1999) 140–58Google Scholar; Cf Marks, who cogently suggests that triangulating is important in research design as it aids in minimising the possibility of producing a consistent and replicable, but nevertheless flawed, research study: Gary, Marks, ‘Introduction: Triangulation and the Square-root Law’ (2007) 26(1) Electoral Studies 1, 3Google Scholar.
11 For other explanations, see John, Howard, Lazarus Rising: A Personal and Political Autobiography (Harper Collins, 2010)Google Scholar; Wayne, Errington and Peter, van Onselen, John Winston Howard: The Biography (Melbourne University Publishing, 2007)Google Scholar; Malcolm, Turnbull, Fighting for the Republic: The Ultimate Insider's Account (Hardie Grant Books, 1999)Google Scholar. Some other explanations refer minimally to the republic. See, eg, Phil, Cleary, Clearly Independent (Harper Collins, 1998)Google Scholar; Peter, FitzSimons, Beazley: A Biography (Harper Collins, 1998)Google Scholar; Mark, Latham, The Latham Diaries (Melbourne University Publishing, 2006)Google Scholar.
12 Interviews were conducted with republicans and with constitutional monarchists. I am a republican, and I disclosed that to each interviewee. In this study, monarchist and republican points of view have been compared and contrasted, and defined categories were used to analyse the interview data: see Marks, above n 10. Providing a cross-section of opinion militated against bias. Please see footnotes 7–10 above.
13 The interviews offered the best source of empirical information, since they provided greater flexibility in eliciting responses than more structured forms of empirical research such as questionnaires: see Seale, above n 10, 133−35. A criticism of oral evidence is that it may be self interested. However, the leaders’ views have not been taken at face value and have been critically examined. Note also the discussion of bias in footnotes 7−10.
14 Madeline, Grey, Second-wave Feminism and Women's Political Representation in Victoria, 1972-1997 (PhD Thesis, The University of Melbourne, 2005)Google Scholar.
15 The method is in accordance with an ‘interpretive constructivist’ approach, which may be defined as ‘how people view an object or event and the meaning that they attribute to it [are] what is important': Rubin and Rubin, above n 14, 27. There are not incorrect answers per se, just different interpretations. Interpretations may be judged according to their veracity. See also Grey, above n 14.
16 Williams and Hume, above n 1, ch 2.
17 As the s 128 process is relatively straightforward and has been analysed in numerous secondary sources, the procedure will not be analysed in detail. Rather, the short description offered provides the legal context for the analysis of the role of politicians in initiating a referendum.
18 There is a large literature that analyses procedures for constitutional amendment: see, eg, Patrick, Keyzer, Constitutional Law (LexisNexis Butterworths, 2nd ed, 2005) 24−25Google Scholar; Peter, Hanks, Patrick, Keyzer and Jennifer, Clarke, Australian Constitutional Law (LexisNexis, 7th ed, 2004) 47–49Google Scholar; Peter, Hanks, Constitutional Law in Australia (Butterworths, 2nd ed, 1996) 28–30Google Scholar; Bede, Harris and David, Barker (eds), Essential Constitutional Law (Cavendish Publishing, 2nd ed, 2004) 21–22Google Scholar. In addition, constitutional lawyers have examined the relationship of s 128 to different modes of constitutional interpretation: Anne, Twomey, ‘Constitutional Alteration and the High Court: The Jurisprudence of Justice Callinan’ (2008) 27(1) University of Queensland Law Journal 47Google Scholar; Tony, Blackshield and George, Williams, Blackshield and Williams Australian Constitutional Law and Theory: Commentary and Materials (The Federation Press, 4th ed, 2006) 1382–87Google Scholar.
19 Geoffrey, Lindell, ‘Why is Australia's Constitution Binding? — The Reasons in 1900 and Now, and the Effect of Independence’ (1986) 16 Federal Law Review 29, 37Google Scholar.
20 Henry, B Mayo, An Introduction to Democratic Theory (Oxford University Press, 1960) 61-2Google Scholar.
21 John, McMillan, ‘Constitutional Reform — or Constitutional Delusion?’ (2003) 14 Public Law Review 5Google Scholar, 5.
22 Ibid.
23 This paper focuses on the initiation phase, which is concerned with the public commitment of the leader to propose a referendum. There are other stages in the process of formal constitutional change. From Australian constitutional history, six key political and legal stages required for constitutional change can be identified. These are putting the issue on the agenda, developing the policy process, selecting the model, choosing the question, informing the people and altering the Constitution. For consideration of the reasons and justifications offered at these various stages, please see Patmore, above n 1, chs 3, 9; Williams and Hume, above n 1, ch 2.
24 See, eg, Mark, McKenna, ‘A History of the Inevitable Republic’ in M A, Stephenson and Clive, Turner (eds), Australia: Republic or Monarchy?: Legal and Constitutional Issues (University of Queensland Press, 1994) 50Google Scholar; McMillan, above n 21; George, Winterton, Monarchy to Republic: Australian Republican Government (Oxford University Press, 1986)Google Scholar; John, Warhurst and Malcolm, Mackerras, ‘Constitutional Politics: The 1990s and Beyond', in John, Warhurst and Malcolm, Mackerras (eds), Constitutional Politics: The Republic Referendum and the Future (University of Queensland Press, 2002) 1Google Scholar; Blackshield and Williams, above n 18, 477; Williams and Hume, above n 1.
25 Tony, Abbott, The Minimal Monarchy: and Why it Still Makes Sense for Australia (Wakefield Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Glenn, Davies, ‘A Brief History of Australian Republicanism’ in George, Winterton (ed), We, the People: Australian Republican Government (Allen and Unwin, 1994) 49Google Scholar; Harry Evans, ‘Introduction: The Agenda of the True Republicans’ in ‘Essays on Republicanism: Small R Republicanism’ (Papers on Parliament No 24, Department of the Senate, 1994) 13; Harry Evans, ‘Keeping the Australian Republic’ in ‘Essays on Republicanism: Small R Republicanism’ (Papers on Parliament No 24, Department of the Senate, 1994) 19.
26 Winterton, above n 24, 18.
27 Evans, ‘Keeping the Australian Republic’ above n 25.
28 Davies, above n 25; McKenna, above n 24.
29 Evans, ‘Introduction: The Agenda of the True Republicans’ above n 25.
30 Winterton, above n 24. Winterton regards the hereditary succession of the British Monarchy as a reason for change: it is ‘a denial at the very centre of the social and political system of the axiom that all people are born equal in status and dignity': at 25. He views the ‘heredity principle’ as ‘obnoxious': at 24.
31 Williams and Hume, above n 1, 184.
32 David, Charnock, ‘National Identity, Partisanship and Populist Protest as Factors in the 1999 Australian Republic Referendum’ (2001) 36(2) Australian Journal of Political Science 271, 278Google Scholar; John, Warhurst, ‘Nationalism and Republicanism in Australia: The Evolution of Institutions, Citizenship and Symbols’ (1993) 28(4) Australian Journal of Political Science 100, 115Google Scholar.
33 Winterton, above n 25, 21–2.
34 Davies, above n 25, 50–1.
35 By political consciousness, I mean a person's political self-awareness or state of mind. Political consciousness is a subject of political enquiry. See, eg, Andrew, Heywood, Political Theory: An Introduction (MacMillan, 2nd ed, 1999) 19–21Google Scholar; Alan, Marsh, Protest and Political Consciousness (Sage, 1977)Google Scholar; Fredric, Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Routledge, 1981)Google Scholar;.
36 Interview with Paul Keating (Telephone Interview, 18 December 2008).
37 Ibid.
38 Malcolm, Turnbull, Fighting for the Republic: the Ultimate Insider's Account (Hardie Books, 1999), 2Google Scholar.
39 Interview with Phil Cleary (Telephone Interview, 20 February 2009).
40 Interview with Jason Yat Sen Li (Telephone Interview, 13 February 2009).
41 Interview with Kim Beazley (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008).
42 Evans, ‘Keeping the Australian Republic', above n 25, 19.
43 McKenna, above n 24, 61.
44 Interview with Phil Cleary (Telephone Interview, 20 February 2009).
45 Paul Keating, ‘An Australian Republic: The Way Forward’ (Speech delivered at Parliament House, Canberra, 7 June 1995).
46 Interview with Paul Keating (Telephone Interview, 18 December 2008).
47 Parts of this paper draw upon my own previous work. Patmore, above n 1.
48 Notable exceptions are Warhurst and Mackerras, above n 24, 2, who traced the development of the adoption of a policy on Australia becoming a republic by the mainstream parties. In their discussion they referred to public opinion and the electoral process; see also Williams and Hume, above n 1, 63, who provide some discussion of the electoral politics of the 1999 referendum proposals.
49 Apart from the constitutional literature, there is another strand of the literature — political economy. While this scholarship is useful in identifying key issues, it has not been relied upon in any detail, since it focuses on motivations for change rather than their justifications, which is the subject of this paper: see Anthony, Downs, ‘An Economic Theory of Political Action in a Democracy’ (1957) 65(2) The Journal of Political Economy 135, 137Google Scholar; Donald, A Wittman, ‘Parties as Utility Maximisers’ (1973) 67(2) The American Political Science Review 490, 498Google Scholar; Avinash, Dixit and John, Londregan, ‘Ideology, Tactics, and Efficiency in Redistributive Politics’ (1998) 113(2) The Quarterly Journal of Economics 497, 508Google Scholar; Andrew, Leigh, ‘Estimating the impact of gubernatorial partisanship on policy settings and economic outcomes: A regression discontinuity approach’ (2008) 24 European Journal of Political Economy 256, 256Google Scholar.
50 Clive, Bean, ‘Public Attitudes on the Monarchy-Republic Issue’ (1993) 28(4) Australian Journal of Political Science 190, 191–6Google Scholar; Gary C Morgan, The Monarchy, the Media and the Polls (22 October 1993) Roy Morgan Research Centre <http://www.roymorgan.com/resources/pdf/papers/19931001.pdf;> Newspoll, Political & Issues Trends: Republic: In Favour or Against (27 January 2005) <http://www.newspoll.com.au/image_uploads/cgi-lib.2558.1.0103_republic.pdf>.
51 Bean, above n 50, 191; Clive, Bean, ‘Political Personalities and Voting in the 1999 Australian Constitutional Referendum’ (2002) 14(4) International Journal of Public Opinion Research 459, 459Google Scholar; Christian, Leithner, ‘Popular Support for “Mr Keating's Republic“’ (1994) 29(2) Australian Journal of Political Science 354, 354Google Scholar; Bruce, Tranter, ‘Public Support for an Australian Head of State’ in John, Brookfield (ed), Proceedings of the 1999 Conference of the Australasian Political Studies Association (Department of Government, University of Sydney, 1999)Google Scholar.
52 See the policy in the 2010 federal election campaign: Australian Labor Party, ‘National Platform and Constitution 2009’ (2009) 138 [1], 140 [19]–[21] <http://www.alp.org.au/getattachment/3ca3d6d7-e143-43ec-86e3-8e92f280761f/how-we-work/>.
53 Keating, above n 46; Patmore, above n 1, 89-90.
54 Don, Watson, Recollections of a Bleeding Heart (Random House Australia, 2002) 584Google Scholar.
55 Ibid, 589.
56 Paul Keating, ‘Australian Labor Party Policy Speech – 1996 Federal Election’ (Speech delivered at the Campaign Launch, Melbourne, 14 February 1996).
57 The policy was developed by Alexander Downer and adopted by Howard when he became leader: Interview with John Howard (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008).
58 Ibid.
59 Watson, above n 55, 588–9.
60 Interview with John Howard (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008).
61 Interview with Kim Beazley (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008); Michael Gordon, ‘Labor's fast-track republic', The Age (Melbourne) 21 July 2001, 1.
62 Interview with Kim Beazley (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008).
63 Australian Labor Party, above n 52; Victorian Australian Labor Party, Victorian ALP Platform: Leadership for All: New Ideas. Forward Thinking 2010 (2010) 177 [13.2] <http://www.alpvictoria.com.au/getattachment/about/our-platform/Victorian-Labor-Platform-2010-Final.pdf/>.
64 ABC Radio, ‘Rudd talks regulation and republic', AM, 21 April 2008 (Chris Uhlmann).
65 Michelle Grattan, ‘Turnbull Takes Command, Nelson Takes Backbench', The Age (Melbourne) 17 September 2008, 1.
66 Ibid.
67 Interview with Malcolm Turnbull (Telephone Interview, 25 February 2011).
68 Prime Minister Julia Gillard and Leader of the Opposition Tony Abbott were not interviewed for this project. However, they have publicly expressed their views and these will be commented upon in the footnotes. Prime Minister Julia Gillard supports Australia becoming a republic but she has not proposed holding a referendum. Gillard has said that she would not hold a vote unless there was a ‘credible … hope of success': Julia Gillard, ‘Transcript: Julia Gillard, Address, National Press Club’ (Press Release, 20 August 2010) 5.<. Abbott personally opposes the establishment of a republic; however, he notes that the republic is a conscience issue for the Liberal Party: ABC Q&A ,5 April 2010 (Tony Abbott) <http://www.abc.net.au/tv/qanda/txt/s2859473.htm>.
69 Interview with Bob Brown (Telephone Interview, 8 February 2011).
70 Williams and Hume, above n 1, 220.
71 Keating, above n 45.
72 Dixit and Londregan, above n 50, 497.
73 Interview with Paul Keating (Telephone Interview, 18 December 2008).
74 Keating, above n 45.
75 Interview with Kim Beazley (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008).
76 Ibid.
77 Ibid.
78 Keating, above n 45.
79 Interview with Kim Beazley (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008).
80 Keating, above n 45.
81 Adrian, Little, ‘Between disagreement and consensus: unraveling the democratic paradox’ (2007) 42(1) Australian Journal of Political Science 143, 145Google Scholar; Williams and Hume, above n 1, 38; see, generally, Cass, R Sunstein, Why Societies Need Dissent (Harvard University Press, 2003)Google Scholar.
82 See Referendum (Machinery Provisions) Act 1984 (Cth) s 11.
83 Jason Koutsoukis, ‘Keating The Reason No Case Won, Says PM', The Age (Melbourne) 8 November 1999, 8.
84 Turnbull, above n 38, 22-3.
85 Interview with Phil Cleary (Telephone Interview, 20 February 2009).
86 ‘A Cleary No Victory', Daily Telegraph (Sydney) 8 November 1999, 4.
87 When I put Howard's reported allegation to Keating, he replied, ‘[t]hat is simply the lie of a brigand'. He went on to explain that two days prior to giving his speech in the Parliament he telephoned Howard, provided him with a copy of the speech the day beforehand and endeavoured to develop a proposal that would be acceptable to the Liberal Party: Interview with Paul Keating (Telephone Interview, 18 December 2008).
88 Interview with Paul Keating (Telephone Interview, 18 December 2008).
89 Interview with John Howard (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008).
90 Ibid.
91 Interview with Phil Cleary (Telephone Interview, 20 February 2009).
92 Ibid.
93 Ibid.
94 Ibid.
95 Winterton, above n 24, 49; Davies, above n 25.
96 McKenna, above n 24, 124; Davies, above n 25, 49–50.
97 Michael Parkinson, ‘2011 Australia Day Address’ (Speech delivered at the Sydney Conservatorium of Music, Sydney, 24 January 2011).
98 McKenna, above n 24, 124.
99 Interview with Kim Beazley (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008).
100 Interview with Paul Keating (Telephone Interview, 18 December 2008).
101 Interview with Malcolm Turnbull (Telephone Interview, 25 February 2011).
102 Warhurst and Mackerras, above n 24, 12.
103 Warhurst and Mackerras, above, n 24, 1; Paul Keating, ‘The Prime Minister's Centenary Dinner Speech’ (Speech delivered at Corowa Shire Council Centenary Dinner, Corowa, 31 July 1993). <http://australianpolitics.com/executive/keating/93-07-31corowa-centenary.pdf>.
104 Interview with John Howard (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008); Julia Gillard, ‘Press Release 17 August 2010) <http://www.alp.org.au/federal-government/news/transcript--julia-gillard,-press-conference,-t-%281%29/>.
105 Interview with John Howard (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008). Prime Minister Gillard thinks ‘the appropriate time for this nation to move to being a republic is when we see the monarch change': Julia Gillard, Transcript of Press Conference (Townsville, 17 August 2010).
106 Interview with Jason Yat Sen Li (Telephone Interview 13 February 2009).
107 Ibid.
108 Interview with Malcolm Turnbull (Telephone Interview, 25 February 2011).
109 Interview with John Howard (Telephone Interview, 11 December 2008). While Gillard expressed a view similar to Howard's, she imagined the possibility that activism and interest could be rebuilt to enhance the likely success of a vote in favour of a republic.
‘[W]here the republican debate largely went off the rails and didn't get the confidence of the Australian people last time round, is that it was too much about political figures and too little about community views and community campaigning … [F]or this nation to become a republic, we need to see an organic coming together in the community, a sense that people want change. I think there's actually less sense of activism around this … than there has been for a long period of time . I think that would have to be rebuilt before … we would go to any form of vote'.
Julia Gillard, above n 68.
110 Interview with Malcolm Turnbull (Telephone Interview, 25 February 2011).
111 Interview with Bob Brown (Telephone Interview, 8 February 2011).
112 Interview with Paul Keating (Telephone Interview, 18 December 2008).
113 Ibid.
114 It is perception of public interest, rather than evidence of it, that is relied upon. Polls indicate public interest in and support for a republic Newspoll, Becoming a Republic (2011) <http://resources.news.com.au/files/2011/04/24/1226044/215274-aus-news-file-newspoll-110425.pdf>. Indeed, Rudd's 2020 Summit in 2008 demonstrated overwhelming community support for a new proposal to introduce a republic: Kerry Anne Walsh, ‘Talk is cheap on republic', Sun Herald (Melbourne) 26 April 2009, 17.
115 Williams and Hume, above n 1, ch 5.
116 Coalition ‘The Coalition's Plan For Real Action for Indigenous Australians’ Election Policy Document, 2010), 4 <http://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/download/library/partypol/BBNX6/upload_binary/BBNX6.pdf;fileType=application%2Fpdf#search=%22library/partypol/BBNX6%22>; Australian Labor Party, ‘Closing the Gap‘('2010 Election Policy Document,2010), 18 <http://www.alp.org.au/getattachment/669c9e1f-7604-49f8-b487-e21020fa2519/closing-the-gap/> ; Australian Greens, Green's Party Policy on Indigenous Peoples', (May 2009) The Greens Policies <http://greens.org.au/policies/care-for-people/aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-peoples>; see also: Megan Davis and Dylan Lino, ‘Constitutional Reform and Indigenous Peoples: Options for Amendment to the Australian Constitution‘(Research Brief No 3, Indigenous Law Centre, Faculty of Law, University of New South Wales, 2011); Indigenous Law Centre, ‘Constitutional Reform and Indigenous Peoples’ (Research Brief No 2', Indigenous Law Centre, Faculty of Law, University of New South Wales, 2010).
117 It was briefly mentioned in the ALP's campaign launch (Julia Gillard, ‘Speech to the ALP Campaign Launch’ (Speech delivered at ALP campaign launch, Brisbane, 16 August 2010) <http://www.alp.org.au/federal-government/news/speech--julia-gillard,-alp-campaign-launch,-brisba/>) and was not mentioned at all by the Coalition (Tony Abbott, ‘Speech to the Coalition Campaign Launch’ (Speech delivered at Coalition campaign lauch, Brisbane, 8 August 2010) <http://www.news.com.au/features/federal-election/transcript-tony-abbotts-campaign-launch/story-e6frfllr-1225902671188>).
118 The Australian Greens & The Australian Labor Party, (The Parties) — Agreement (1 September 2010) <http://greens.org.au/sites/greens.org.au/files/Final%20Agreement%20_ALP_GRNS.pdf>. Subsequent agreements were signed with independent members of the federal parliament Andrew Wilkie MP and Rob Oakeshott MP. Independent Expert Panel, Recognising Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the Constitution: Report of the Expert Panel (2012) <http://www.youmeunity.org.au/uploads/assets/html-report/introduction.html>.
119 Interview with Bob Brown (Telephone Interview, 8 February 2011).
120 Ibid.
121 Ibid.
122 Ibid; Brown also commented: “Oh by the way, I had … spoken to, the National Conference of Local Government in the last two years and … I had made a commitment to do what I could to further the cause of local government getting recognition, so it was just an ideal opportunity to do that.” (Interview with Bob Brown (Telephone Interview, 8 February 2011)). Interestingly, the local government referendum was also a priority for an outside interest. He was influenced by his relationship with and commitment to the National Conference of Local Government.
123 Ibid.
124 Interview with Malcolm Turnbull (Telephone Interview, 25 February 2011).
125 See above n 24.