Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 August 2010
The statement that Georgia had disused the slave basis of representation for her own legislature, was made upon information given me by a Georgia planter. Since the plate of page 170 was cast, I have endeavored, without success, to verify it; and am now inclined to think I had been misinformed. According to the latest authorities in the Astor and Law Libraries, in New York, it is strictly true with regard only to the election of the State Senate, which alone is representative of the citizens in their equality of political rights; in the lower House, thirty-seven counties, haying the greatest population, counting all free white persons, and two-fifths of the people of color (not merely the slaves), have two votes each, which, however, represent the interests only of the whites; the remaining fifty-six poorer counties, but one each. By this arrangement, five hundred slaveholding citizens might exercise double the power of five thousand non-slaveholding citizens in the House, while the latter might have ten times more power than they in the Senate. This is evidently one of those absurd arrangements, based on no principle at all, which are hatched by compromises. The slave basis has not been given up, if this arrangement still holds; but, on the other hand, it has not been honestly sustained.
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