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On 20 October 1962, a border dispute between India and the People’s Republic of China erupted into open warfare, leaving the Indian Army reeling and the country’s political leadership in a state of panic. A State of Emergency was declared, a National Defence Fund established, and recruiting stations for India’s armed forces were flooded with eager volunteers. This chapter dissects the impact of joint covert action operations undertaken by India and the United States in the wake of Sino-Indian hostilities. It examines how and why the CIA assisted the IB in equipping and training a clandestine warfare unit tasked with monitoring Chinese military supply routes into Tibet and oversaw the insertion of nuclear-powered surveillance equipment on two of India’s Himalayan peaks to collect data on Chinese atomic tests. Coming at a point when new mechanisms for the implementation of covert action where being introduced by Whitehall, including the Counter Subversion Committee and the Joint Action Committee, the chapter also analyses how the border war was approached by Whitehall as an opportunity to test new British covert capabilities and to roll-back communism in South Asia.
Why did Nikita Khrushchev send missiles to Cuba? This chapter argues that Cuba was important to him for two reasons: it bolstered his self-perception as an equal to the United States and addressed his concerns over a potential US invasion of Cuba, which would affect his reputation in the revolutionary world. He faced a challenge from Mao Zedong, who wanted to wrest the mantle of revolutionary leadership from the Soviets. Yet, having come to the brink over Cuba, Khrushchev backed off, understanding that reputational concerns were not as important as the imperative of avoiding a global nuclear war. The Cuban Missile Crisis provides not just a useful window into understanding Khrushchev's American policy, with its perennial fears of humiliation and sensitivity to slights, but also a crucial snapshot of Sino-Soviet relations on their downward slide towards an outright confrontation.
In 1958-64, the Sino-Soviet dispute became the overriding problem for Chinese foreign policy. The two Khrushchev-Mao encounters in Peking in 1958 and 1959, together with the multiparty Communist conferences in Bucharest and Moscow in i960, fueled a growing dispute in the Sino-Soviet alliance that ultimately blew it apart in all but the formal sense. On the eve of the Moscow conference, the Soviet Union agreed to provide the People's Republic of China with assistance in developing nuclear weapons. Domestically, the Great Leap Forward (GLF) evoked open as well as private criticism from Khrushchev for its alleged emulation of 'war communism'. This chapter examines the handling of the Lebanon crisis, the Peking summit meeting, and the Quemoy bombardment and discusses the spillover effects of the GLF deserve mention. Developments in Laos revealed Peking's priority between cautious diplomacy and revolutionary violence. Finally, the chapter also discusses the Sino-Burmese border, Soviet-American relation, and Sino-Indian war.
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