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Peru is a multiethnic society whose postcolonial language regime was marked by the dominance of Spanish as the exclusive language of state bureaucracy up until recently. There are now forty-eight different Indigenous languages recognized by the state. The process of language regime transformation in Peru started with state traditions of monolingualism by defect, followed by incremental change in state recognition of Indigenous languages and the subsequent development of Indigenous language rights as manifested in constitutional and legislative norms. The adoption of a multilingual language regime based on linguistic rights for minorities was not the product of the Indigenous movement´s actions, nor those of ethnic parties. Institutional reforms that were not designed, and were not expected, to advance linguistic rights, allowed some actors the framework to accelerate incremental change.
This article analyzes the recent constituent assembly in Bolivia as a political context in which the indigenous movement and the feminist movement presented different platforms to influence the content of the new constitution. The representation of indigenous women's gender-specific claims is examined through a study of their forms of organizing at the intersection of both social movements and content analysis of the movements' constitutional reform proposals. The success of both movements and the capacity of indigenous women to position themselves as a central actor in the process are explained through reference to the strength of the indigenous movement in national politics, the history of indigenous women's mobilization, and the collaboration between indigenous women and the feminist movement. Indigenous women's collective agency has benefited from this political context to develop new organizations and spaces to claim their rights and perspectives.
In Peru, the adoption of a new school curriculum based on gender equality and nondiscrimination against sexual minorities led to the mobilization in 2016 of organizations connected to conservative churches under the slogan Con Mis Hijos No Te Metas (Don't Mess with My Children). This new countermovement uses street protests, the courts, and Congress to disseminate an antigender agenda that goes beyond its initial opposition to sexual education. Organizations in the countermovement consider the concept of gender to be a dangerous imperialist ideology, arguing that the state violates individual freedoms when it uses gender as one of the pillars of public policy.
This article argues that the increased participation of women in Peruvian politics in the 1990s and the advances made in some areas of their citizenship rights are connected to the strategies put in place by some sectors of the women's movement and to the openings provided by the Fujimori regime. Some of the impact of neopopulist rule on political institutions is shown to be positively related to women's increased opportunities during this period; yet the weak rule of law and the political use of the women's agenda by an increasingly questionable regime placed the women's movement in a complex political panorama. A disaggregated analysis of the politics of women's citizenship reveals that women from the popular sectors did not benefit from the same progress in their rights claims as women from the feminist movement or women in party politics.
Based on comparative research this article analyses indigenous women's organising trajectories and the creation of spaces where they position themselves as autonomous political actors. Drawing on social movement theory and intersectionality, we present a typology of the organisational forms adopted by indigenous women in Peru, Bolivia and Mexico over the last two decades. One of the key findings of our comparative study is that indigenous women have become social movement actors through different organisational forms that in part determine the degree of autonomy they can exercise as political subjects.
Myocardial infarction (MI) in rats is accompanied by apoptosis in the limbic system and a behavioural syndrome similar to models of depression. We have already shown that probiotics can reduce post-MI apoptosis and designed the present study to determine if probiotics can also prevent post-MI depressive behaviour. We also tested the hypothesis that probiotics achieve their central effects through changes in the intestinal barrier. MI was induced in anaesthetised rats via 40-min transient occlusion of the left anterior coronary artery. Sham rats underwent the same surgical procedure without actual coronary occlusion. For 7 d before MI and between the seventh post-MI day and euthanasia, half the MI and sham rats were given one billion live bacterial cells of Lactobacillus helveticus R0052 and Bifidobacterium longum R0175 per d dissolved in water, while the remaining animals received only the vehicle (maltodextrin). Depressive behaviour was evaluated 2 weeks post-MI in social interaction, forced swimming and passive avoidance step-down tests. Intestinal permeability was evaluated by oral administration with fluorescein isothiocyanate–dextran, 4 h before euthanasia. MI rats displayed less social interaction and impaired performance in the forced swimming and passive avoidance step-down tests compared to the sham controls (P < 0·05). Probiotics reversed the behavioural effects of MI (P < 0·05), but did not alter the behaviour of sham rats. Intestinal permeability was increased in MI rats and reversed by probiotics. In conclusion, L. helveticus R0052 and B. longum R0175 combination interferes with the development of post-MI depressive behaviour and restores intestinal barrier integrity in MI rats.
Myocardial infarction (MI) stimulates the release of pro-inflammatory substances that induce apoptosis in the limbic system. Pro-inflammatory cytokines are considered as the root cause of apoptosis, although the mechanism is not fully explained and/or understood at this time. In addition, depression may induce gastrointestinal perturbations that maintain the elevated levels of pro-inflammatory cytokines. It has been shown that some specific probiotic formulations may reduce gastrointestinal problems induced by stress and the pro/anti-inflammatory cytokine ratio. Therefore, we hypothesised that probiotics, when given prophylactically, may diminish the apoptosis propensity in the limbic system following a MI. Male adult Sprague–Dawley rats were given probiotics (Lactobacillus helveticus and Bifidobacterium longum in combination) or placebo in their drinking-water for four consecutive weeks. A MI was then induced in the rats by occluding the left anterior coronary artery for 40 min. Rats were killed following a 72 h reperfusion period. Infarct size was not different in the two groups. Bax/Bcl-2 (pro-apoptotic/anti-apoptotic) ratio and caspase-3 (pro-apoptotic) activity were reduced in the amygdala (lateral and medial), as well as in the dentate gyrus in the probiotics group when compared with the placebo. Akt activity (anti-apoptotic) was increased in these same three regions. No significant difference was observed in Ca1 and Ca3 for the different markers measured. In conclusion, the probiotics L. helveticus and B. longum, given in combination as preventive therapy, reduced the predisposition of apoptosis found in different cerebral regions following a MI.
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