In an earlier report, two of us (Bowers and Ensley, 2003, National Election Studies Technical Report, www.umich.edu/~nes) provided a general framework for understanding the particular strategy outlined by Fogarty et al. (in this issue). Fogarty et al.'s strategy is to make the face-to-face variables more like the random digit dial (RDD) telephone variables by trimming the ends in order to reduce the variance of the face-to-face (FTF) variables. Perhaps some scholars will want the FTF variables to look like the RDD variables, but that would be a fix for a specific research question. Given the significant differences in the representativeness of the samples, the processes of survey nonresponse, and the quality and character of the responses between data taken from a National Area Probability sample in person and data taken from an RDD telephone sample, research questions involving comparisons with other years in the 50-year time series will require different remedies.

1. The effect of undernutrition on the levels of plasma glucose, N.E.F.A. and ketone bodies was observed in fourteen Suffolk-cross ewes late in pregnancy by comparing with data obtained on seven control ewes of comparable pregnancy status. An attempt is made to relate these changes with plasma triglyceride levels, liver fat deposition and plasma pigmentation.

2. Evidence is presented which shows that while plasma glucose values are normally distributed, plasma N.E.F.A. levels show a positively skew distribution. This abnormality is corrected by transforming plasma N.E.F.A. values to their logarithms.

1. Some of the effects of stress, fasting and ACTH injections in pregnant ewes were investigated.

2. A 6-day fast produced a relatively mild hypoglycaemia and hyperketonaemia without inducing pregnancy toxaemia.

3. Stress of transport produced an immediate slight rise in plasma cortisol; 4 hr. later the plasma cortisol had returned to the pre-stress levels.

4. A combination of stress and fasting produced severe hypoglycaemia, hyperketonaemia and subacute pregnancy toxaemia, but there was no increase in plasma cortisol levels.

5. Daily injections of ACTH resulted in a fourfold increase in plasma cortisol and prevented the development of hypoglycaemia, severe hyperketonaemia, and pregnancy toxaemia in pregnant ewes subjected to stress and fasting.

6. Changes in plasma concentrations of NEFA, urea, proteins, catecholamines and insulin were also investigated.

We seek to explain how states govern big cities. Political scientists' accounts of urban politics either fail to treat the state systematically or place state hostility at the center of such an account. Accounts by historians, by contrast, offer tools political scientists can use to theorize urban politics in the state arena. We use those tools, and we find that cities can manage the legislative process. This power starts with bill introduction and carries through to the vote on the floor. This ability results from a central feature of American state politics: on bills about big cities, state legislators now and in the past find their primary voting cues in the unity of local delegations. The city delegation, then, has tremendous power to manage the state's involvement in city affairs. In many respects, ours is an account of a special kind of divided government, with two institutional arenas where urban government is carried out.

We examine the development of legislative capacity in U.S. state legislatures in the twentieth century. This capacity can be derived from the legislators themselves, or from institutions and practices. We consider both sources as we provide an account of the ragged and piecemeal development of legislative capacity in the states. We argue that most state legislatures have been neither entirely professional nor amateur, but rather have existed somewhere in between, in a place where pockets of expertise fill in for professional capacity.

The literature on gender and political action comes in two forms—one that is aggregate, sometimes institutional, and often centered historically, and one that is individual and largely focused on the here and now. We care about both, of course—about the social organization and deployment of gender and about what gender means in individual lives. In this essay, I argue that we should encourage these two kinds of analysis to engage each other more intimately. This engagement would give political scientists the tools to say more about when, for whom, and for which outcomes gender matters. The conversation would give us better ways to understand how context makes gender relevant.Kate Gallagher provided incredibly thoughtful research assistance for this essay. Support for her work was provided by the Center for Political Studies at Michigan and by the Miller Professorship. I want to thank Jane Junn for a fabulous conversation about how to improve the essay. Lisa Baldez, Karen Beckwith, and Christina Wolbrecht provided important, critical feedback. The Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences gave me the space in my life—and the amazing library staff—to finish the essay. Of course, all of the mistakes and omissions are mine.

How do we find gender in data from individuals?

I should start by saying what I mean by gender. I take gender to be, in part, the “values, norms and demands the female human being—precisely because she is female—comes up against in her encounter with the Other” (Moi 1999, 79). And, in part, it is what women and men make of the systematic way social interactions, structures, and institutions are organized around gender.

This paper proposes a multistage, interactive model that takes into account selection processes into nonpolitical institutions, processes by which participatory factors are allocated within institutions, and the forward linkage to political activity to explain the small but persistent gender gap in political participation. Using OLS regression and simulation to analyze a large-scale survey containing detailed measures of both workplace experiences and political participation, we find that women are less likely than men to accumulate participatory factors on the job because they are less likely to be in the workforce at all, to be in the workforce full-time, or to be in high-level jobs. The net effect of these processes is that a substantial fraction of the gender gap in political activity can be explained by gender differences in workplace experiences.

[New York] city is ruled entirely by the hayseed legislators at Albany. I've never known an up-State Republican who didn't want to run things here. . . . We've got to eat and drink what they tell us to eat and drink, and have got to choose our time for eatin' and drinkin' to suit them. If they don't feel like takin' a glass of beer on Sunday, we must abstain. If they have not got any amusements up in their backwoods, we mustn't have none. We've got to r egulate our whole lives to suit them. And then we have to pay their taxes to boot.

George Washington Plunkitt.William L. Riordon, Plunkitt of Tammany Hall: A Series of Very Plain Talks on Very Practical Politics, ed. Terrence J. McDonald (Boston: Bedford Books, 1994), 59–60.

This paper demonstrates that women are less politically interested, informed, and efficacious than men and that this gender gap in political engagement has consequences for political participation. Only when gender differences in political interest, information, and efficacy are considered along with gender differences in resources can we explain the relatively small disparity between the sexes with respect to political activity. When we searched for the origins of the gender gap in political engagement, we found that it can be explained only partially by gender differences in factors such as education that are associated with political engagement. Furthermore, these gender differences in political orientation seem to be specific to politics—rather than the manifestation of general personal attributes. Investigation of the extent to which the cues received by males and females that politics is a man's world are responsible for the gender gap in political engagement yielded results that were suggestive, but mixed.

This study uses regression analysis of data from a telephone survey of 380 married couples to subject to rare empirical test the contention that, because women are unequal at home, they cannot be equal in the polity. The argument is often made that wives' disadvantage in comparison to their husbands with respect to control over family income, availability of free time, power over decisions, or mutual respect dampens their ability to participate fully in politics. In fact, domestic inequalities do have implications for political activity, but these effects differ from what is usually posited by being stronger for husbands than for wives. For husbands, control over major financial decisions and autonomy in using small amounts of time enhance their ability to participate in politics beyond what would be expected on the basis of their other characteristics. In short, being boss at home is politically empowering to husbands.

In this investigation of the voluntary participation of men and women, we find that even when the definition of activity is broadened beyond the electoral forms of activity usually considered, men are a bit more active in politics than women. However, the pattern across activities does not conform to the expectations generated by the literature. In comparison with men, women are disadvantaged when it comes to the resources that facilitate political activity. When these resource deficits are viewed in the context of the paths to participation taken by men and women, it turns out that if women were as well endowed with political resources as men, their overall levels of political activity would be closer to men's and their financial contributions would be considerably closer to men's.